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Why did Cretan archers flourish?

Why did Cretan archers flourish?

This question concerns why Cretan archers were so prolific and well regarded during Antiquity.

As seen in Xenophon's Anabasis Cretan archers often were hired to serve as mercenaries in Greece and continued to do so during the wars of Alexander the Great

For example: Xenophon's Anabasis 1.2.9 and Arrian's Anabasis 2.9.3

My question is now: Why did the Cretan archers become such famous and often hired archers?

The rest of the Greek world seemed to hold a somewhat low opinion of archers, but the Cretan archer seemed to be a household name.

As seen in: Davis, Todd Alexander. Archery in Archaic Greece. Columbia University, 2013

Depictions of bow hunting were prevalent in Minoan art, even prior to 2000 BCE when the Minoan culture was thought to have started flourishing (until 1500 BCE). While the bow is an effective hunting tool, it's also a good defense weapon for sea-faring cultures. The Minoans traded extensively with Egypt and mainland Greece, among other Mediterranean cultures of the time. Pirates were in existence around this time, so having archers with good aim would have been a fantastic pirate deterrent.

If the Minoan civilization had recognized archery as a valuable skill early on during the formation of their culture, the skill would have been developed quickly with the subsequent generations becoming more proficient than the last.

For a very similar example, look to the Balearic slingers. There's accounts from historians such as Livy, Strabo, and Pliny that explain how the art of sling use was passed down and held to a high standard in the ancient Balearic islands.


The Old Testament history is almost exclusively occupied with Semitic tribes. Babylonians, Assyrians, Canaanites, Hebrews, Aramaeans—all these, however much they might war among themselves, were bound by close linguistic and other ties, bespeaking a common origin in the dim, remote recesses of the past. Even the Egyptians show evident signs of having been at least crossed with a Semitic strain at some period early in their long and wonderful history. One people alone, among those brought conspicuously to our notice in the Hebrew Scriptures, impresses the reader as offering indications of alien origin. This is the people whom we call 'Philistines'.

If we had any clear idea of what the word 'Philistine' meant, or to what language it originally belonged, it might throw such definite light upon the beginnings of the Philistine people that further investigation would be unnecessary. The answer to this question is, however, a mere matter of guess-work. In the Old Testament the word is regularly written P e lištīm (‏פְּלִשְׁתִּים‎), singular P e lištī (‏פְּלִשְׁתִּי‎), twice 1 P e lištīyim (‏פְּלִשְׁתִּיִים‎), The territory which they inhabited during the time of their struggles with the Hebrews is known as ’ereṣ P e lištim (‏אֶרֶץ פְּלִשְׁתִּים‎) 'the Land of Philistines', or in poetical passages, simply Pelešeth (‏פֶּלֶשֶׁת‎) 'Philistia'. Josephus regularly calls them Παλαιστινοί, except once, in his version of the Table of Nations in Genesis x (Ant. I. vi. 2) where we have the genitive singular Φυλιστίνου.

Various conjectures as to the etymology of this name have been put forward from time to time. One of the oldest, that apparently due to Fourmont, 1 connects it with the traditional Greek name Πελασγοί an equation which, however, does no more than move the problem of origin one step further back. This theory was adopted by Hitzig, the author of the first book in modern times on the Philistines, 2 Who connected the word with Sanskrit valakṣa 'white', and made other similar comparisons, as for instance between the name of the deity of Gaza, Marna, and the Indian Varuna. On the other hand a Semitic etymology was sought by Gesenius, 3 Movers, 4 and others, who quoted an Ethiopic verb falasa, 'to wander, roam,' whence comes the substantive fallási, 'a stranger.' In this etymology they were anticipated by the translators of the Greek Version, who habitually render the name of the Philistines by the Greek word ἀλλόφυλοι, 5 even when it is put into the mouths of Goliath or Achish, when speaking of themselves. Of course this is merely an etymological speculation op the part of the translators, and proves nothing more than the existence of a Hebrew root (otherwise apparently unattested) similar in form and meaning to the Ethiopic root cited. And quite apart from any questions of linguistic probability, there is an obvious logical objection to such an etymology. In the course of the following pages we shall find the court scribes of Ramessu III, the historians of Israel, and the keepers of the records of the kings of Assyria, agreeing in applying the same name to the nation in question. These three groups of writers, belonging to as many separate nations and epochs of time, no doubt worked independently of each other—most probably in ignorance of each other's productions. This being so, it follows almost conclusively that the name 'Philistine' must have been derived from Philistine sources, and in short must have been the native designation. Now a word meaning 'stranger' or the like, while it might well be applied by foreigners to a nation deemed by them

intruders, would scarcely be adopted by the nation itself, as its chosen ethnic appellation. This Ethiopic comparison it seems therefore safe to reject. The fantasy that Redslob 1 puts forward, namely, that ‏פלשׁת‎ 'Philistia' was an anagram for ‏שׁפלה‎, the Shephelah or foot-hills of Judea, is perhaps best forgotten: place-names do not as a rule come to be in this mechanical way, and in any case 'the Shephelah' and 'Philistia' were not geographically identical.

There is a peculiarity in the designation of the Philistines in Hebrew which has often been noticed, and which must have a certain significance. In referring to a tribe or nation the Hebrew writers as a rule either (a) personified an imaginary founder, making his name stand for the tribe supposed to derive from him—e. g. 'Israel' for the Israelites or (b) used the tribal name in the singular, with the definite article—a usage sometimes transferred to the Authorized Version, as in such familiar phrases as 'the Canaanite was then in the land' (Gen. xii. 6) but more commonly assimilated to the English idiom which requires a plural, as in 'the iniquity of the Amorite[s] is not yet full' (Gen. xv. 16). But in referring to the Philistines, the plural of the ethnic name is always used, and as a rule the definite article is omitted. A good example is afforded by the name of the Philistine territory above mentioned, ’ereṣ P e lištīm, literally 'the land of Philistines': contrast such an expression as ’ereṣ hak-K e na‘anī, literally 'the land of the Canaanite'. A few other names, such as that of the Rephaim, are similarly constructed: and so far as the scanty monuments of Classical Hebrew permit us to judge, it may be said generally that the same usage seems to be followed when there is question of a people not conforming to the model of Semitic (or perhaps we should rather say Aramaean) tribal organization. The Canaanites, Amorites, Jebusites, and the rest, are so closely bound together by the theory of blood-kinship which even yet prevails in the Arabian deserts, that each may logically be spoken of as an individual human unit. No such polity was recognized among the pre-Semitic Rephaim, or the intruding Philistines, so that they had to be referred to as an aggregate of human units. This rule, it must be admitted, does not seem to be rigidly maintained for instance, the name of the pre-Semitic Horites might have been expected to follow the exceptional construction. But a hard-and-fast adhesion to so subtle a distinction, by all the writers who have contributed to the canon of the Hebrew scriptures and by

all the scribes who have transmitted their works, is not to be expected. Even in the case of the Philistines the rule that the definite article should be omitted is broken in eleven places. 1

However, this distinction, which in the case of the Philistines is carefully observed (with the exceptions cited in the footnote), indicates at the outset that the Philistines were regarded as something apart from the ordinary Semitic tribes with whom the Hebrews had to do.

The name of the Philistines, therefore, does not lead us very far in our examination of the origin of this people. Our next step must be to inquire what traditions the Hebrews preserved respecting the origin of their hereditary enemies though such evidence on a question of historical truth must obviously even under the most favourable circumstances be unsatisfactory.

The locus classicus is, of course, the table of nations in Genesis x. Here we read (vv. 6, 13, 14), 'And the sons of Ham: Cush, and Mizraim, and Put, and Canaan. . . And Mizraim begat Ludim, and ‘Anamim, and Lehabim, and Naphtuhim, and Pathrusim, and Casluhim (whence went forth the Philistines) and Caphtorim.' The list of the sons of Ham is assigned to the Priestly source that of the sons of Mizraim (distinguished by the formula 'he begat') to the Yahvistic source. The ethnical names are almost all problematical, and the part of special interest to us has been affected, it is supposed, by a disturbance of the text.

So far as the names can be identified at all, the passage means that in the view of the writer or writers who compiled the table of nations, the Hamitic or southern group of mankind were Ethiopia, Egypt, 'Put', and Canaan. Into the disputed question of the identification of the third of these, this is not the place to enter. Passing over the children assigned to Cush or Ethiopia, we come to the list of peoples supposed by the Yahvist to be derived from Egypt. Who or what most of these peoples were is very uncertain. The Ludim are supposed to have been Libyans (d in the name being looked upon as an error for b) the Lehabim are also supposed to be Libyans the ‘Anamim are unknown, as are also the Casluhim but the Naphtuhim and Pathrusim seem to be reasonably identified with the inhabitants of Lower and Upper Egypt respectively. 2

There remain the Caphtorim, and the interjected note 'whence went forth the Philistines'. The latter has every appearance of having originally been a marginal gloss that has crept into the text. And in the light of other passages, presently to be cited, it would appear that the gloss referred originally not to the unknown Casluhim, but to the Caphtorim. It must, however, be said that all the versions, as well as the first chapter of Chronicles, agree in the reading of the received text, though emendation would seem obviously called for. This shows us either that the disturbance of the text is of great antiquity, or else that the received text is, after all, correct, and that the Casluhim are to be considered a branch of, or at any rate a tribe nearly related to, the Caphtorim.

The connexion of the Philistines with a place called Caphtor is definitely stated in Amos ix. 7: 'Have not I brought up Israel out of the land of Egypt, and the Philistines from Caphtor, and the Syrians from Kir?' It is repeated in Jeremiah xlvii. 4, where the Philistines are referred to as 'the remnant of the ’i of Caphtor'. The word ’i is rendered in the Revised Version 'island', with marginal rendering 'sea coast': this alternative well expresses the ambiguity in the meaning of the word, which does not permit us to assume that Caphtor, as indicated by Jeremiah, was necessarily one of the islands of the sea. Indeed, even if the word definitely meant 'island', its use here would not be altogether conclusive on this point: an isolated headland might long pass for an island among primitive navigators, and therefore such a casual mention need not limit our search for Caphtor to an actual island.

Again, in Deuteronomy ii. 23, certain people called the Caphtorim, 'which came out of Caphtor', are mentioned as having destroyed the ‘Avvim that dwelt in villages as far as Gaza, and established themselves in their stead. The geographical indication shows that the Caphtorim must be identified, generally speaking, with the Philistines: the passage is valuable as a record of the name of the earlier inhabitants, who, however, were not utterly destroyed: they remained in the south of the Philistine territory (Joshua xiii. 4).

The question of the identification of Caphtor must, however, be postponed till we have noted the other ethnic indications which the Hebrew scriptures preserve. Chief of these is the application of the word C e rēthi (‏כְּרֵתִי‎) 'Cherēthites' to this people or to a branch of them.

Thus in 1 Samuel xxx. 14 the young Egyptian servant, describing the Amalekite raid, said 'we raided the south of the Cherethites and

the property of Judah and the south of the Calebites and burnt Ziklag with fire'. In Ezekiel xxv. 16 the Philistines and the Cherethites with the 'remnant of the sea-coast' are closely bound together in a common denunciation, which we find practically repeated in the important passage Zephaniah ii. 5, where a woe is pronounced on the dwellers by the sea-coast, the nation of the Cherethites, and on 'Canaan, the land of the Philistines' this latter is a noteworthy expression, probably, however, interpolated in the text. In both these last passages the Greek version renders this word Κρῆτες 'Cretans ' elsewhere it simply transliterates (Χελεθί, with many varieties of spelling). 1

In both places it would appear that the name 'Cherethites' is chosen for the sake of a paronomasia (‏כרת‎ = 'to cut off'). In the obscure expression 'children of the land of the covenant' (‏בני אדץ הברית‎ Ezek. xxx. 5) some commentators 2 see a corruption of ‏בני הכרתי‎ 'Children of the Cherethites'. But see the note, p. 123 post.

In other places the Cherethites are alluded to as part of the bodyguard of the early Hebrew kings, and are coupled invariably with the name ‏פְּלֵתִי‎ Pelēthites. This is probably merely a modification of ‏פלשתי‎, the ordinary word for 'Philistine', the letter s being omitted in order to produce an assonance between the two names. 3 The Semites are fond of such assonances: they are not infrequent in modern Arab speech, and such a combination as Shuppīm and Ḫuppīm (1 Chron. vii. 12) shows that they are to be looked for in older Semitic writings as well. If this old explanation 4 be not accepted, we should have to put the word 'Pelethites' aside as hopelessly unintelligible. Herodotus's Philitis, or Philition, a shepherd after whom the Egyptians were alleged to call the Pyramids, 5 has often been quoted in connexion with this name, coupled with baseless speculations as to whether the Philistines could have been the Hyksos.

With regard to the syntax of these two names, it is to be noticed that as a rule they conform to the ordinary Hebrew usage, contrary perhaps to what we might have expected. But in the two prophetic passages we have quoted, the name of the Cherethites agrees in construction with that of the Philistines.

In three passages𔃊 Samuel xx. 23, 2 Kings xi. 4, 19—the name of the royal body-guard of 'Cherethites' appears as ‏כָּרִי‎ 'Carians'. If this happened only once it might be purely accidental, due to the dropping of a ‏ת‎ by a copyist but being confirmed by its threefold repetition, it is a fact that must be noted carefully 1 for future reference.

Here the Hebrew records leave us, and we must seek elsewhere for further light. Thanks to the discoveries of recent years, our search need not be prolonged. For in the Egyptian records we find mention of a region whose name, Keftiu, has an arresting similarity to the 'Caphtor' of Hebrew writers. It is not immediately obvious whence comes the final r of the latter, if the comparison be sound but waiving this question for a moment, let us see what is to be made of the Egyptian name, and, above all, what indications as to its precise situation are to be gleaned from the Egyptian monuments.

The name k-f-tïw ( ) sometimes written k-f-ty-w ( ) first meets us on Egyptian monuments of the Eighteenth Dynasty. It is apparently an Egyptian word: at least, it is capable of being rendered behind', and assuming this rendering Mr. H. R. Hall 2 aptly compares it with our colloquialism 'the Back of Beyond'. Unless this is to be put aside as a mere Volksetymologie, it clearly would be useless to search the maps of classical atlases for any name resembling Keftiu. It would simply indicate that the Egyptians had a sense of remoteness or uncertainty about the position of the country and even from this we could derive no help, for as a rule they manifest a similar vagueness about other foreign places.

It is specifically under Thutmose III that 'Keftiu' first appears as the name of a place or a people. On the great stele in the Cairo Museum in which the king's mighty deeds are summarized, in the form of a Hymn to Amon, we read 'I came and caused thee to smite the west-land, and the land of Keftiu and Asi ( )

are terrified'. In the Annalistic Inscription on the walls of the Temple of Karnak the name appears in interesting connexion with maritime enterprise. 'The harbours of the king were supplied with all the good things which he received in Syria, namely ships of Keftiu, Byblos, and Sektu [the last-named place is not identified], cedar-ships laden with poles and masts.' 'A silver vessel of Keftiu work' was part of the tribute paid to Thutmose by a certain chieftain. 1 Keftiu itself does not send any tribute recorded in the annals but tribute from the associated land of Asi is enumerated, in which copper is the most conspicuous item. This in itself proves nothing, for the copper might in the first instance have been brought to Asi from somewhere else, before it passed into the coffers of the all-devouring Pharaoh: but on the Tell el-Amarna tablets a copper-producing country, with the similar name Alašia, is prominent, and as Cyprus was the chief if not the only source of copper in the Eastern Mediterranean, the balance of probability seems to be in favour of equating Asi and Alašia alike to Cyprus. In this case Keftiu would denote some place, generally speaking, in the neighbourhood of Cyprus.

The next important sources of information are the wall-paintings in the famous tombs of Sen-mut, architect to Queen Hatshepsut of Rekhmara, vizier of Thutmose III and of Menkheperuseneb, son of the last-named official, 2 high priest of Amon and royal treasurer. In these wall-paintings we see processions of persons, with non-Semitic European-looking faces attired simply in highly embroidered loincloths folded round their singularly slender waists, and in high boots or gaiters with hair dressed in a distinctly non-Semitic manner bearing vessels and other objects of certain definite types. The tomb of Sen-mut is much injured, but the Cretan ornaments there drawn are unmistakable. In the tomb of Rekhmara we see the official standing, with five rows of foreigners carrying their gifts, a scribe recording the inventory at the head of each row, and an inscription explaining the scene as the 'Reception by the hereditary prince Rekhmara of the tribute of the south country, with the

tribute of Punt, the tribute of Retenu, the tribute of Keftiu, besides the booty of all nations brought by the fame of Thutmose III'. In the tomb of Menkheperuseneb there are again two lines of tribute-bearers, described as 'the chief of Keftiu, the chief of Kheta, the chief of Tunip, the chief of Kadesh' and an inscription asserts that these various chiefs are praising the ruler of the Two Lands, celebrating his victories, and bringing on their backs silver, gold, lapis lazuli, malachite, and all kinds of precious stones.

Click to enlarge
(left) Fig. 1. A. A Keftian from the Tomb of Rekhmara. (right) B. A Cretan from Knossos.

Some minor examples, confirming the conclusions to which these three outstanding tomb-frescoes point, will be found in W. Max Müller's important paper, Neue Darstellungen 'mykenischer' Gesandter . . . in altägyptischen Wandgemälden (Mitt. vorderas.-Gesell., 1904, No. 2).

Recent investigations in the island of Crete have enabled us to identify with certainty the sources of the civilization which these messengers and their gifts represent. Wall-paintings have there been found representing people with the same facial type, the same costume, the same methods of dressing the hair and as it were the originals of the costly vases they bear have been found in such profusion as to leave no doubt that they are there on their native soil. The messengers, who are depicted in the Egyptian frescoes, are introducing into Egypt

some of the chefs-d’œuvre of Cretan art specifically, art of the periods known as Late Minoan I and II, 1 the time of the greatest glory of the palace of Knossos and as they are definitely described in the accompanying hieroglyphs as messengers of Keftiu, it follows that Keftiu was at least a centre of distribution of the products of Cretan civilization, and therefore a place under the influence of Crete, if it was not actually the island of Crete itself. And the clear evidence, that excavation in Crete has revealed, of a back-wash of Egyptian influence on Cretan civilization at the time of the coming to Egypt of the Keftian envoys, turns the probability into as near a certainty as it is at present possible to attain.

The next document to be noticed is a hieratic school exercise-tablet, apparently (to judge from the forms of the script) dating from the end of the Eighteenth Dynasty. It is now preserved in the British Museum, numbered 5647. 2 On the one side are some random scribbles, like the meaningless words and phrases with which one tries a doubtful pen:

Sen-Nofer [an Egyptian name, twice repeated]

"a hundred of copper, aknu-axes" [reading uncertain]

Sumrssu [Egyptian]'

[paragraph continues] Though the reading of some of the items of this list is not quite certain, it seems clear that the heading ’irt rn n keftw, 'to make names of Keftiu', indicates that this tablet is a note of names to be used

in some exercise or essay. The presence of the familiar Philistine name Achish, in the form Akašou, twice over, is suggestive, but otherwise the tablet does not help forward our present inquiry into the position of Keftiu and the origin of the Philistine people.

These various discoveries of recent years make it unnecessary to discuss at any length other theories which have been presented in ancient and modern times as to the identification of the name of Keftiu or of Caphtor. The Ptolemaic Jonathan Oldbuck who translated for his master the Decree of Canopus into Hieroglyphics, revived this ancient geographical name to translate Φοινίκης: a piece of irresponsible pedantry which has caused nothing but confusion. Even before the discoveries of the last fifteen or twenty years it was obvious that the Keftiu of Rekhmara's tomb were as unlike Phoenicians as they could possibly be and their gifts were also incompatible with what was known of Phoenician civilization. Endless trouble was thus given to would-be harmonists. Another antiquary of the same kind and of the same period, who drew up the inscription to be cut on the temple at Kom Ombo, has likewise made illegitimate use of the name in question. A catalogue of the places conquered by the founder of the temple, after the manner of the records of achievements of the great kings of the Eighteenth Dynasty, was de rigueur: so the obsequious scribe set down, apparently at random, a list of any geographical names that happened to come into his head. Among these is kptar, the final r of which seems to denote a Hebrew source perhaps he learnt the name from some brother antiquary in the neighbouring Jewish colony at Aswân.

The Greek translators of the scriptures, the Peshitta, and the Targums, in Deuteronomy ii. 23, Amos ix. 7, render the name Cappadocia. This seems to be merely a guess, founded on similarity of sound.

In modern times, even before the days of scientific archaeology, the equation of Caphtor to Crete has always been the theory most in favour. Apart from Jeremiah's description of the place as an 'island'—which as we have already mentioned is not quite conclusive—the obvious equation Cherethites = Cretans would strike any student. Calmet 1 gives a good statement of the arguments for the identification which were available before the age of excavation.

For completeness’ sake we may refer here to various other theories of Philistine origin which have been put forward by modern scholars: it is, however, not necessary to give full references

to all the writers who have considered the question. The favourite hypothesis among those who rejected the Caphtor-Crete identification was founded on the Greek Version and Josephus: Caphtor was by them identified with Cappadocia, and Casluhim with the Colchians. Hitzig, as stated earlier in this chapter, identified them with the Pelasgians, who came, according to his view, from Crete to North Egypt, identified with the Casluhim of the Table of Nations: their language he supposed to be cognate with Sanskrit, and by Sanskrit he interpreted many of the names of people and places. Quatremère, reviewing Hitzig's book in the Journal des Savants (1846, pp. 257, 411), suggested a rival theory, deriving them from West Africa, equating Casluhim with Sheluḫ, a sept of the Berbers. Stark (Gaza, p. 70) assigned them to the Phoenicians, accepting the South Semitic etymology of the name Pelištim, Caphtor being the Delta, and Casluhim a name cognate with the Kasios mountain, denoting a tribe living between Kasios and Pelusium. 1 Köhler 2 had a complicated theory to reconcile all the various lines of Biblical evidence: he took Caphtor to be the Delta the Philistines springing from there settled in Casluhim (between Casios and Pelusium): 'going forth' from Casluhim they sailed to Crete, and then returned to Philistia. Knobel (Die Völkertafel der Genesis, p. 215 sqq.) proposed a double origin for the Philistine people. The main body he took to be Semites who came out (geographically, not racially) from the Casluhim in North Egypt and the Caphtorim were a southern tribe of Cretan or Carian origin. Knobel gave a very careful analysis of the evidence available at his time, but he overlooked the Medinet Habu sculptures, and, on the other hand, gave too much weight to the gossip of Herodotus about Philitis and the Pyramids.

Ebers 3 made an elaborate attempt to find in the Delta a site for Caphtor but this can hardly stand against later discoveries. They are no goods from the Land of Goshen which Rekhmara's visitors are carrying. W. Max Müller 4 equates Keftiu to Cilicia, mainly on the ground of the order in which the name occurs in geographical lists: but though this is not an argument to be lightly set aside, we are confronted with the difficulty that Cilicia could hardly have been a centre of distribution of Minoan goods in the time of Rekhmara. 5

Schwally 1 argues thus for the Semitic origin of the Philistines: that if the Philistines were immigrants, so were the Phoenicians and Syrians (teste Amos): that the identity of Caphtor and Crete is an unproved assumption: the Greek translation twice renders 'Cherethites' by 'Cretans', it is true, but not elsewhere, showing uncertainty on the subject: and the reading 'Crete' in Zephaniah ii. 6 is wrong. All the personal names, and all the place-names (except possibly El-tekeh and Ziklag) are Semitic, and there is no trace of any non-Semitic deity. Stade 2 asserts the Semitic origin of the people, without giving any very definite proofs Tiele 3 claims the Philistines as Semites on the ground of their Semitic worship. Beecher (in Hastings's Dict. of the Bible, s. v. Philistines) claims the name of the people as 'probably Semitic', but considers that most likely they were originally Aryan pirates who had become completely Semitized. The non-circumcision of the Philistines is a difficulty against assigning to them a Semitic origin and the various Semitic elements in their names, religion, and language can most reasonably be explained by borrowing—presumably as a result of free intermarriage with Semites or Semitized aborigines.

On the other hand, it may be said at once that it is perhaps a little premature to call them Aryans. On the whole, the probability seems to be against the Philistine being an Aryan tongue—it certainly was not, if (as is not unlikely) it had affinities with Etruscan.

But these identifications are to a large extent the personal opinions of those who put them forward. The identification of Caphtor and Keftiu with Crete is so generally accepted, that there is a danger that some difficulties in the way should be overlooked. For first of all we are met with a question of philology: whence came the final r in the Hebrew word? It has been suggested that it might be a nominative suffix of the Keftian language. It would in any case be more probably a locative or prepositional suffix: for place-names are apt to get taken over into foreign languages in one or other of those cases, because they are generally referred to in contexts that require them just as Ériu, the old Irish name of Ireland, has been taken over into English in its prepositional case, now spelt Erin. It might possibly be a plural: Mr. Alton has suggested to me a comparison with the Etruscan plural ending er, ar, ur. Letting the question of the exact case pass, however, as irrelevant, there are two points that must be indicated regarding the suggestion that r is

a Keftian case-ending. In the first place, it assumes that Keftiu is, after all, not the Egyptian word it resembles, but the native 'Keftian' name for the place in question: it is incompatible with the 'Back of Beyond' theory of the meaning of the name. In the second place, it is difficult to understand how the Hebrews should have picked up a 'Keftian' case-ending or any such grammatical formative, rather than the Egyptians for the Egyptians were brought into direct contact with Keftians, while the Hebrews arrived on the scene too late to enjoy that advantage. Ebers attempted to solve the difficulty by supposing the r to come from the Egyptian adjective wr, 'great', tacked on to the place-name. Max Muller (Asien und Europa, p. 390) and Wiedemann (Orient. Litteraturzeitung, xiii, col. 49) point out that there is no monumental evidence for such an expression, and that in any case 'Great Keftland' would be Keft-‘ā, not Keft-wr. The latter (loc. cit.) has an ingenious solution: in an astronomical text in the grave of Ramessu VI occurs a list of places ‘iwmȝr (the land of the Amorites) pb (unidentified) and kftḥr ('Upper Kefti'). 'Caphtor', he suggests, may be a corruption of this latter expression. The hypothesis may be noted in passing, though perhaps it is not altogether convincing.

Behind this problem lies another, perhaps equally difficult: why did the Hebrews call the home-land of the Philistines by this name, which even in Egypt was already obsolete?

To this question the only reasonable answer that seems to present itself is to the effect that by the time of the Hebrews Crete or Keftiu had, with its gorgeous palaces, passed into tradition. Like the I Breasail or Avallon of Celtic tradition, the place which the Hebrew writers called 'Caphtor' was no longer a tangible country, but a dreamland of folklore, the legends of which had probably filtered into Palestine from Egypt itself. Whether Caphtor was or was not the same as the island of Crete was to the ancient Hebrew historian a question of secondary interest beside the all-important practical fact that the Philistines were obstinate in their occupation of the most desirable parts of the Promised Land. When the inspired herdsman of Tekoa spoke of the Philistines being led from Caphtor, he was probably just as unconscious of the requirements of the scientific historian as a modern herdsman who told me that a certain ancient monument on a Palestinian hill-slope belonged 'to the time of the Rūm'. He no doubt believed what he said: but who or what the Rūm may have been, or how many years or centuries

or geological aeons ago they may have flourished, he neither knew nor cared.

All, then, that the Hebrews can tell us about their hereditary enemies is, that they came from a vague traditional place called Caphtor—a place by the sea, but of which they have nothing more to say. The tradition of Caphtor seems to be a tradition of the historical glories of Crete, so far as the Egyptians knew of them, and the name seems to be a tradition of the name which, for some reason not certainly known, the Egyptians applied to the source of the desirable treasures of the Cretan civilization.

Even down to late times the tradition linking Philistia with Crete persisted in one form or another. Tacitus heard it, though in a distorted form: in the oft-quoted passage Hist. v. 2 he confuses the Jews with the Philistines, and makes the former the Cretan refugees. 1 ΜΕΙΝΩ, Minos, is named on some of the coins of Gaza. This town was called by the name Minoa: and its god Marna was equated to 'Zeus the Crete-born.' 2

But did the Philistines come from Crete? That is the question which we must now consider.

The last generation saw the labours of Schliemann at Troy and elsewhere, and was startled by the discovery of the splendid pre-Hellenic civilization of Mycenae. For us has been reserved the yet greater surprise of finding that this Mycenaean age was but the latest, indeed the degenerate phase of a vastly older and higher culture. Of this ancient civilization Crete was the centre and the apex.

The course of civilization in this island, from the end of the Neolithic period onwards, is divided by Sir Arthur Evans into three periods 3 which he has named Early, Middle, and Late 'Minoan' respectively, after the name of Minos the famous legendary Cretan king. Each of these three periods is further divided into subordinate

periods, indicated by numbers thus we have Early Minoan I, II, III, and so for the others. The general characters of these nine periods may now be briefly stated, with the approximate dates which Egyptian synchronisms enable us to assign.

Into the question of the origin of the early inhabitants of Crete we need not enter. That there was some connexion between Crete and Egypt in their stone-age beginnings seems on various grounds to be not improbable. 1 The neolithic Cretan artists were much like neolithic artists elsewhere. They never succeeded in attaining a very high position among workers in flint Crete has so far produced nothing comparable with the best work of the Egyptians and the Scandinavians. Their pottery was decorated with incised or pricked patterns filled in with white powdered gypsum, to make a white pattern on a black ground.

The Early Minoan I period inherited this type of ornament and ware from its predecessors, but improved it. Coloured decoration now began to be used, the old incised ornaments being imitated with a wash of paint. The ornament was restricted to simple geometrical patterns such as zigzags. The pottery was made without the wheel. In this period short triangular daggers in copper are found. In Early Minoan II the designs are more free and graceful: simple curves appear, side by side with straight lines, towards the end of the period. The potter's wheel is introduced. Rude and primitive idols in marble, alabaster, and steatite are found. The copper daggers are likewise found, but the use of flint and obsidian is not yet wholly abandoned. In Early Minoan III there is not much advance in the art of the potter. We now, however, begin to find seals with a kind of hieroglyphic signs upon them, apparently imitated (in manner if not in matter) from Egyptian seals. These seem to give us the germ of the art of writing, as practised later in Crete. Scholars differ (between 2000 and 3000 B.C.) as to the proper date to assign to the end of the Early Minoan civilization: for our present purpose it is not important to discuss the causes of disagreement, or to attempt to decide between these conflicting theories.

The next period, Middle Minoan I, takes a great step forward. We now begin to find polychrome decoration in pottery, with elaborate geometrical patterns we also discover interesting attempts to picture natural forms, such as goats, beetles, &c. Upon the ruins of this stage of development, which seems to have been checked by some catastrophe, are founded the glories of Middle Minoan II, the period of the great palace of Phaestos and of the first palace of

[paragraph continues] Knossos. To this period also belongs the magnificent polychrome pottery called Kamáres ware. Another catastrophe took place: the first palace of Knossos was ruined, and the great second palace built in its place: and the period known as Middle Minoan III began. It was distinguished by an intense realism in art, speaking clearly of a rapid deterioration in taste. In this period we find the pictographic writing clearly developed, with a hieratic or cursive script derived from it, adapted for writing with pen and ink. The Middle Minoan period came to an end about 1600 B.C.

Late Minoan I shows a continuation of the taste for realism. Its pottery is distinguished from that of the preceding period by the convention that its designs as a rule are painted dark on a light background: in Middle Minoan III they are painted light on a dark background. Linear writing is now developed. The palace of Phaestos is rebuilt. Fine frescoes and admirable sculptured vases in steatite are found in this period, to which also belong the oldest remains at Mycenae, namely the famous gold deposits in the shaft tombs. In Late Minoan II the naturalistic figures become conventionalized, and a degeneration in art sets in which continues into Late Minoan III. The foreign imports found at Tell el-Amarna and thus of the time of Ikhnaton, are all of Late Minoan III this affords a valuable hint for dating this phase of development.

Now while some of the earlier periods shade into one another, like the colours of a rainbow, so that it is difficult to tell where the one ends and the next begins, this is not the case of the latest periods, the changes in which have evidently been produced by violence. The chief manifestation is the destruction of Knossos, which took place, apparently as a result of invasion from the mainland, at the very end of the period known as Late Minoan II: that is to say about 1400 B.C. The inferior style called Late Minoan III—the style which till recent years we had been accustomed to call Mycenaean—succeeded at once and without any intermediate transition to the style of Late Minoan II immediately after this raid. It was evidently the degraded style that had developed in the mainland among the successful invaders, founded upon (or, rather, degenerated from) works of art which had spread by way of trade to the adjacent lands, in the flourishing days of Cretan civilization.

We have seen that in Egyptian tombs of about 1500 B.C. there are to be seen paintings of apparently Cretan messengers and merchants, called by the name of Keftiu, bearing Cretan goods: and in addition we find the actual tangible goods themselves, deposited with the Egyptian dead. In Palestine and elsewhere occasional scraps of

the 'palace' styles come to light. But the early specimens of Cretan art found in these regions are all exotic, just as (to quote a parallel often cited in illustration) the specimens of Chinese or Japanese porcelain exhibited in London drawing-rooms are exotic and they affect but little the inferior native arts of the places where they are found. It is not till we reach the beginning of Late Minoan III, after the sack of Knossos, that we find Minoan culture actually taking root in the eastern lands of the Mediterranean, such as Cyprus and the adjacent coasts of Asia Minor and Syria. We can hardly dissociate this phenomenon from the sack of Knossos. The very limitations of the area over which the 'Mycenaean' art has been found are enough to show that its distribution was not a result of peaceful trade. Thus, the Hittite domination of Central and Western Asia Minor was still strong enough to prevent foreign settlers from establishing themselves in those provinces: in consequence Mycenaean civilization is there absent. The spread of the debased Cretan culture over Southern Asia Minor, Cyprus, and North Syria, between 1400 and 1200 B.C. must have been due to the movements of peoples, one incident in which was the sack of Knossos 1 : and this is true, whether those who carried the Cretan art were refugees from Crete, or were the conquerors of Crete seeking yet further lands to spoil.

In short, the sack of Knossos and the breaking of the Cretan power was an episode—it may be, was the crucial and causative episode—in a general disturbance which the fourteenth to the twelfth centuries B.C. witnessed over the whole Eastern Mediterranean basin. The mutual relations of the different communities were as delicately poised as in modern Europe: any abnormal motion in one part of the system tended to upset the balance of the whole. Egypt was internally in a ferment, thanks to the eccentricities of the crazy dilettante Ikhnaton, and was thus unable to protect her foreign possessions the nomads of Arabia, the Sutu and Habiru, were pressing from the South and East on the Palestinian and Syrian towns the dispossessed Cretans were crowding to the neighbouring lands on the north the might of the Hittites, themselves destined to fall to pieces not long afterwards, blocked progress northward: it is little wonder that disorders of various kinds resulted from the consequent congestion.

It is just in this time of confusion that we begin to hear, vaguely at first, of a number of little nationalities—people never definitely

assigned to any particular place, but appearing now here, now there, fighting sometimes with, sometimes against, the Egyptians and their allies. And what gives these tribelets their surpassing interest is the greatness of the names they bear. The unsatisfying and contemptuous allusions of the Egyptian scribes record for us the 'day of small things' of people destined to revolutionize the world.

We first meet these tribes in the Tell el-Amarna letters. The king of Alašia (Cyprus) complains that his coasts are being raided by the Lukku, who yearly plunder one small town after another. 1 That indefatigable correspondent, Rib-Addi, in two letters, complains that one Biḫura has sent people of the Sutu to his town and slain certain Sherdan men—apparently Egyptian mercenaries in the town guard. 2 In a mutilated passage in another letter Rib-Addi mentions the Sherdan again, in connexion with an attempt on his own life. Then Abi-Milki reports 3 that 'the king of Danuna is dead, and his brother has become king after him, and his land is at peace'. It is almost the only word of peace in the whole dreary Tell el-Amarna record.

Next we hear of these tribes in their league with the Hittites against Ramessu II, when he set out to recover the ground lost to Egypt during the futile reign of Ikhnaton. 4 With the Hittites were allied people from


The English name Euclid is the anglicized version of the Greek name Εὐκλείδης, which means "renowned, glorious". [5]

Very few original references to Euclid survive, so little is known about his life. He was likely born c. 325 BC, although the place and circumstances of both his birth and death are unknown and may only be estimated roughly relative to other people mentioned with him. He is mentioned by name, though rarely, by other Greek mathematicians from Archimedes (c. 287 BC – c. 212 BC) onward, and is usually referred to as "ὁ στοιχειώτης" ("the author of Elements"). [6] The few historical references to Euclid were written by Proclus c. 450 AD, eight centuries after Euclid lived. [7]

A detailed biography of Euclid is given by Arabian authors, mentioning, for example, a birth town of Tyre. This biography is generally believed to be fictitious. [8] If he came from Alexandria, he would have known the Serapeum of Alexandria, and the Library of Alexandria, and may have worked there during his time. Euclid's arrival in Alexandria came about ten years after its founding by Alexander the Great, which means he arrived c. 322 BC. [9]

Proclus introduces Euclid only briefly in his Commentary on the Elements. According to Proclus, Euclid supposedly belonged to Plato's "persuasion" and brought together the Elements, drawing on prior work of Eudoxus of Cnidus and of several pupils of Plato (particularly Theaetetus and Philip of Opus.) Proclus believes that Euclid is not much younger than these, and that he must have lived during the time of Ptolemy I (c. 367 BC – 282 BC) because he was mentioned by Archimedes. Although the apparent citation of Euclid by Archimedes has been judged to be an interpolation by later editors of his works, it is still believed that Euclid wrote his works before Archimedes wrote his. [10] Proclus later retells a story that, when Ptolemy I asked if there was a shorter path to learning geometry than Euclid's Elements, "Euclid replied there is no royal road to geometry." [11] This anecdote is questionable since it is similar to a story told about Menaechmus and Alexander the Great. [12]

Euclid died c. 270 BC, presumably in Alexandria. [9] In the only other key reference to Euclid, Pappus of Alexandria (c. 320 AD) briefly mentioned that Apollonius "spent a very long time with the pupils of Euclid at Alexandria, and it was thus that he acquired such a scientific habit of thought" c. 247–222 BC. [13] [14]

Because the lack of biographical information is unusual for the period (extensive biographies being available for most significant Greek mathematicians several centuries before and after Euclid), some researchers have proposed that Euclid was not a historical personage, and that his works were written by a team of mathematicians who took the name Euclid from Euclid of Megara (à la Bourbaki). However, this hypothesis is not well accepted by scholars and there is little evidence in its favor. [15]

Although many of the results in Elements originated with earlier mathematicians, one of Euclid's accomplishments was to present them in a single, logically coherent framework, making it easy to use and easy to reference, including a system of rigorous mathematical proofs that remains the basis of mathematics 23 centuries later. [17]

There is no mention of Euclid in the earliest remaining copies of the Elements. Most of the copies say they are "from the edition of Theon" or the "lectures of Theon", [18] while the text considered to be primary, held by the Vatican, mentions no author. Proclus provides the only reference ascribing the Elements to Euclid.

Although best known for its geometric results, the Elements also includes number theory. It considers the connection between perfect numbers and Mersenne primes (known as the Euclid–Euler theorem), the infinitude of prime numbers, Euclid's lemma on factorization (which leads to the fundamental theorem of arithmetic on uniqueness of prime factorizations), and the Euclidean algorithm for finding the greatest common divisor of two numbers.

The geometrical system described in the Elements was long known simply as geometry, and was considered to be the only geometry possible. Today, however, that system is often referred to as Euclidean geometry to distinguish it from other so-called non-Euclidean geometries discovered in the 19th century.


The Papyrus Oxyrhynchus 29 (P. Oxy. 29) is a fragment of the second book of the Elements of Euclid, unearthed by Grenfell and Hunt 1897 in Oxyrhynchus. More recent scholarship suggests a date of 75–125 AD. [19]

The fragment contains the statement of the 5th proposition of Book 2, which in the translation of T. L. Heath reads: [20]

If a straight line be cut into equal and unequal segments, the rectangle contained by the unequal segments of the whole together with the square on the straight line between the points of section is equal to the square on the half.

Armor and protection

Left: Bronze scale armor of the Han era. Chinese armour was predominantly lamellar. From the Warring States period (481 BC - 221 BC) it gradually replaced leather and more exotic materials such as rhinoceros hide and turtle shells, although the latter were used for a long time. Western and southern barbarians were known to use wicker shields and wooden protection. From the Han era, scale armor appeared, and as it was more flexible and protected better, was quickly generalized. Towards the end of antiquity, this slowel shifted towards partial plate armour, aspecially used by warriors from the Northern and Southern dynasties (420–589). Strangely, chainmail was never really adopted before the XIXth Century, imported from India, but the brigandine type ruled supreme.

During the bronze age, only Nobles used bronze helmets, but an interesting shell armor was uncovered. Shield were ofter made of bamboo covered with leather and skins were often used, sich as Toger skin both for ornament and prestige and offering some protection to horse. During the Zhou dynasty coats of rhinoceros or buffalo hide appeared, as well as an hardened leather scale armour. During the Warring States era, although Rhinoceros hide was a favorite among high rank warriors, but soon in the mid-4th century BC, lamellar armour made a hit. It was made entirel of riveted pieces or laced together. Hardened leather, wood, bronze, stone of iron were used. Bronze helmets which were relatively simple, with an opening only for the face, also generalized. Armies were better trained and equipped. However, armour was still reserved to the elites. Elite guard units for example.

Such a crack unit was a Chou state elite band of crossbowmen. The state of Han not only developed a large array of armor-piercing weaponry and developed specially trained units for breakthroughs, shieldreakers. Many of these elite melee warriors wore iron facemasks. The state of Qin set up a system of fines calculate, depending on the gravity of the offense, in coats of armour or shields. Armour also made its apparition on horsemen at the end of the 3rd century BC. During the three kingdoms era, while cavalrymen were equipped with their own armour, horse protection was limited to partial frontal barding. Armor and helmets became widespread as state standards and factories were setup. All warriors were now protected but some archers and crossbowmen, light vanguard cavalry, the rear guards, intendance and baggage train chariot men, but armour was crude, standardized and produced in large number in state arsenals. By far the most feared and revered protection ws the dark armour" (xuan kai) made of high quality, carbonated steel.

Shields varied in size and weight between light infantry and light to medium melee infantry, which needed to stay mobile, while one-handed spearmen were given larger shields. There were also pikemen without shields, since both hands were used to carry the pole weapon. These shields could be flat and wooden, but with some aesthetic design cut along the rim, or shaped like a bowl, and in bronze, perhaps influenced by the Greeks settled in the Indo-Greek kingdom. These large round shields were generally carried by elite imperial troops of the "feathered forest" type. During the Jin dynasty and Sixteen Kingdoms era (265–439), cataphracts began to appear, probably influenced by the Sai (Saka), and Parthians. Although it is beyond this topic in time, later appeared one of the most impressive scale armour ever designed, called the Mountain pattern armour. It was made from intricate patterns of overlapping star-shaped pieces, and judge quite superior to scale armor as it was impenetrable from any angle while flexible. During the Ten Kingdoms (907–960) era, citizen militias were also armed with paper armor. These Tang "White Armor Armies" defeated professional armies of smaller scale, but these layers of silk paper functioned as a gambeson under other armour or by itself. The medieval to late-medieval Ming warriors started to use more liberally mail, but elites still used complex lamellar armour. During all this time, helmets did not evolved much. They had no front guard, neck guard nor cheekguards ears were generally obstructed. However with Mongolian influence, this evolved, and the most common helmet recalls the European "pot" or "hat" type helmet with a large rim. Levies were often equipped with the round, flat, "rattan" shield.

Attalid Dynasty

The Attalid Dynasty ruled an empire from their capital at Pergamon during the 3rd and 2nd century BCE. Fighting for their place in the turbulent world following the death of Alexander the Great, the Attalids briefly flourished with Pergamon becoming a great Hellenistic city famed for its culture, library, and Great Altar. However, the Attalids' short-lived dynasty came to an abrupt end when mighty Rome began to flex its muscles and show greater ambition in Asia Minor and beyond.

With the death of Alexander the Great in 323 BCE, the empire he created was left without leadership - no heir and no successor. Out of a number of possible options, the immediate solution reached by his loyal commanders was to divide the kingdom among themselves. The young general and bodyguard Lysimachus received the strategically valuable province of Thrace, a small kingdom located along the Hellespont. The Wars of the Diadochi brought him into a power struggle for lands in both Asia Minor and Macedon. His thirst for power enabled him to build alliances with a number of his fellow “kings” and even marry the daughter of Ptolemy I of Egypt, Arsinoe II. Unfortunately, his death at the Battle of Corupendium in 261 BCE left him without an heir and his throne vacant. His rich territories in Asia Minor, most importantly Pergamon, fell to the Syrian king Seleucus I Nicator. However, a new dynasty would soon emerge and eventually wrestle control away from the Seleucids - Pergamon would shortly become an important power along the Aegean Sea under the guidance of the Attalids.


Philetaerus: Founder of the Empire

Little is known of the early life of Philetaerus. Possibly of Macedonian origin, he was the son of Attalus and Boa, a native of Paphlagonia. While there is some disagreement among historians, his adopted son, Eumenes I, always considered Philetaerus to be the true founder of the Attalid Dynasty. Originally, he served under the Macedonian commander Antigonus I the One-eyed until in 302 BCE, when he deserted Antigonus amid the growing tension among the various kings and joined the Thracian sovereign Lysimachus. After the death of Antigonus in 301 BCE at the Battle of Ipsus, he was rewarded for his loyalty by being appointed to oversee the king's treasury situated in the Asia Minor city of Pergamon. Regrettably, when Lysimachus, at the urging of his Egyptian wife Arsinoe, executed his only son Agathocles on the trumped-up charge of treason, Philetaerus, along with several other loyal commanders, abandoned Lysimachus and joined Seleucus I - Philetaerus made sure to hand over the treasury and Pergamon to the Seleucids. After the death of Lysimachus at the hands of the Seleucid forces, Philetaerus assumed control of Pergamon. He would govern there, although still under the umbrella of Seleucus I, from 282 to 263 BCE.

During his two decades on the throne, Philetaerus was able to both expand his territory into the Caicus valley as well as defend it (278-276 BCE) against the neighboring Galatians, a people to the east of Pergamon. Instead of waging war his successors would occasionally pay to keep them away. Although there is no substantial proof, history depicts him as a eunuch. While there is little evidence as to how this condition arose, his family may have chosen that path because it often enabled a person to obtain a high position at court. Under his guidance, and that of his successors, the city and territory of Pergamon would become a Hellenistic showcase.


Despite being located in Asia Minor, Pergamon was, by definition, a Greek city identifying with its neighbor Athens across the sea with the city even adopting the goddess Athena as its presiding deity. She was its protector in time of battle, earning the name “Nikephoros” or “victory bearer.” While the Attalids may have adopted the civil organization of Athens, the king would continue to stand “outside the constitution,” maintaining the power to appoint the city's magistrates. Since Philetaerus was unable to have children, his adopted nephew, Eumenes I, succeeded him in 263 BCE, serving until 241 BCE. It was Eumenes who proposed a break from the control of Seleucids. After defeating the successor to the Seleucid Dynasty, Antiochus I, at Sardis, Eumenes expanded his territory into northwestern Asia Minor by absorbing Mysia and Aelis as well as Pitane.

Attalus: Founder of the Dynasty

Having no children of his own, Eumenes I was succeeded by his nephew and cousin Attalus I (241-197 BCE) who would assume the title of Soter or Savior. It would be Attalus who would be credited by most historians with founding the kingship of the Attalids - although he personally gave credit to Philetaerus. Since the defeat of Lysimachus, the Seleucids had never been able to maintain control over their Asia Minor territories, and it was for this reason, that the territories of Pergamon, Bithynia, Nicomedia, and Cappadocia emerged into independence. Like his predecessor, Attalus was able to expand his small empire, although he would later relinquish much of this conquered territory to Seleucus II (223 -212 BCE). Like his predecessor, he was also able to protect Pergamon against the menacing forces of the bordering Galatians.

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It was Attalus I who was instrumental in establishing positive relations with the Roman Republic and for involving them in the First Macedonian War. He was also influential, along with the island of Rhodes, with bringing Rome back to Greece to wage war against Philip V of Macedon - at the time Rome was recovering from the Second Punic War with Carthage. In the Second Macedonian War (200-197 BCE) Philip V had set his sights on expanding his power into Greece and the Aegean, threatening the Achaeans, Pergamon, and Athens. After a bitter fight, he eventually was forced to make peace and relinquish all conquered lands in Greece, Thrace, and Asia Minor. Unfortunately, before the peace agreement could be signed, Attalus I died at Thebes from a stroke in 197 BCE and his body was returned to Pergamon. Eumenes II (r. 197-159 BCE) the eldest son of Attalus and Apollones assumed power and immediately continued his father's war only this time against the son of an old enemy, Antiochus III of Syria.

Relations with Rome

The heir to the Seleucid Dynasty longed to reclaim his family's lost territory in Asia Minor. After an appeal from the Attalids, Rome urged Antiochus to withdraw to Syria however, instead, he attacked Rome's ally, Greece. After suffering a defeat at Thermopylae, he fled to Asia Minor where he was engaged and defeated at the Battle of Magnesia in Lydia (189 BCE). In the battle, Eumenes' forces drove Antiochus to retreat, causing his elephants to run wild. Antiochus had incorrectly assumed his scythed chariots would cause panic among the Romans, but Eumenes, instead, wisely sent his cavalry, Cretan archers, and light-armed slingers against the charging horses. The Syrian forces fell susceptible to the Roman army under the leadership of Cornelius Scipio Africanus. The resulting Peace of Apamea crippled the Seleucid Empire by forcing Antiochus III to pay reparations to Eumenes (he would become extremely wealthy) and withdraw from Asia Minor the territory north of the Taurus would be split between Pergamon and Rhodes. Rome would later intervene in Eumenes' wars against Bithynia (187-183 BCE) and Pontius (183-179 BCE).


Oddly, an old enemy of Rome from the Second Punic War reappeared in the war with Bithynia. The old Punic commander Hannibal Barca had initially sought refuge with Antiochus III after his exile from Carthage but quickly fled to Bithynia. Although he would win a naval victory over Eumenes, the subsequent peace agreement called for the release of Hannibal to the Romans. Refusing to surrender, the old commander reportedly committed suicide by taking poison in 182 BCE.

Pergamon Flourishes

Afterwards, Eumenes II (also calling himself Soter) went on a building program in Pergamon, erecting the Great Altar and establishing a massive library, second only to Alexandria. In the War of the Brothers, he helped Antiochus IV succeed to the throne of Syria after the death of his brother Seleucus IV (175 BCE). Unfortunately, however, his efforts to bring Rome into another Macedonian war caused him to fall into disfavor with the Romans, especially the Roman Senate. Supposedly, he was to keep Rome informed of the actions of Perseus, the successor of Philip V of Macedon. When Eumenes II traveled to Rome (167-166 BCE), the Senate would not receive him, claiming they no longer received kings. Apparently, his enemies in Rome maintained he had planned to abandon Rome in favor of Perseus if the price was right. To Rome, the king had already demonstrated far too much independence and power, especially after he provided aid to Antiochus IV and made war with Bithynia. Apparently, Rome did not appreciate any attempt to diminish their influence in Asia Minor.


Attalus II & III

Attalus II Philadelphus ('brother-loving') was the second son of Attalus I, and at the urging of Rome, he became co-ruler with his brother, serving from 160 to 138 BCE. He had functioned as both a commander under Eumenes II against Antiochus III as well as the war opposing the Galatians. He had also served as a diplomat to Rome where he fell into favor with the Romans. After his brother's death in 159 BCE, Attalus assumed sole control of the throne, marrying his brother's widow Stratonice and adopting his nephew, the future Attalus III. During his reign, he would maintain close ties with Rome, recognizing their supremacy. His armies supported Nicomedes II of Bithynia, Alexander Balas in Syria, but opposed Andriscus in Macedon. While continuing his brother's building program at home, he founded the cities of Philadelphia in Lydia and Attaleia in Pamphylia. Unfortunately, his adopted son, Attalus III (r. 138-133 BCE), would be the last Attalid king. Considered by many to be brutal and unpopular, he was disinterested in public life and relinquished control of Pergamon to Rome. Although there was another claimant - a supposed illegitimate son of Eumenes II named Eumenes III Aristonius - the dynasty came to an abrupt end.

Unlike the Ptolemaic Dynasty and Seleucids, the Attalid Dynasty lasted barely a century and a half with much of that under the leadership of a father and his two sons. The family had gained power over Pergamon after the death of Lysimachus, eventually freeing themselves from the rule of the Seleucids. Although Pergamon lay in Asia Minor, the city and province were, by any definition Greek, identifying with the city of Athens, even adopting Athena as their deity and protector. However, a series of long wars against Macedon and Syria brought the expanding Roman Republic onto the scene. After defeating Carthage in the Punic Wars, the Roman Republic had set its sights eastward to Greece and Asia. In the end, Pergamon, under the poor leadership of Attalus III, surrendered without incident to Rome. The short-lived dynasty was no more.

Women and girls were miners too

Although they didn't work underground, women and girls played a big part in the Cornish mining industry. Known as 'Bal Maidens', they dressed the ore brought up from underground which was the first stage in separating the tin from other substances.

Levant Mine National Trust Images / David Noton

About Illyrian Pirates

Stunning artwork by Mariuz Kozic for Creative Assembly, showing Queen Teuta of the Ardiaei on a pirate ship

The very reason the Romans declared war on the Illyrian queen Teuta and the illyrian kingdom and its client-states as a whole was motivated by the need to defend their eastern shores from piracy. Piracy was just an extension of the raiding habits of an apparently prolific population living in poverty. It became almost an industry in the Adriatic and the reason, not only why the Romans decided to launch a campaing outside Italy, in the Balkans for the first time, but also after three wars it signalled the end of a civilization, integrated into the oldest provinces of the fledging Roman Empire.

The whole story of it would fill an entire chapter. The Illyrian wars spanned several decades, three wars between 229 and 168 BC. in the first one that spanned just about a year, the Romans captured Epidamnus, Apollonia, Corcyra, Pharos and established a protectorate over these Greek towns, while naming a puppet ruler, Demetrius of Pharos, to balance teuta authority over the region. The second war, 220 BC to 219 BC, saw Demetrios backstabbing the Romans as he profitted that the latter were busy fighting the Celts of Cisalpine Gaul, and Hannibal of Carthage. With a fleet of 90 ships he broke his treaty and rampaged the coast, ransacked Pylos, and raided the Cyclades. His forces were defeated by Lucius Aemilius Paulus. At last, the third war in 171-168 BC saw Illyrian king Gentius swapping sides with Perseus, the last king of Macedon and attacked to Roman allied cities. He was defeated in Scodra by a Roman force under L. Anicius Gallus. Some prmominent tribes such as the Liburnians, Japodes, Delmatae and Ardiaei were recoignised seafarers and ship builders, they were like the "Vikings" of their age. Whereas the Greeks developed heavier warships from the triere, the Illyrians invented a whole range of small ships that were large and agile. Using both rows and sail, their main characteristic was that all rowers were also warriors. They were nimble and fast enough to catch any merchant ship, and possibly also any military galley, and just submerged the crew by sheer numbers. The most common model was later named the "lembos" (plur. lembi), which largely equipped Hellenistic fleets, and spread throughout the Mediterraean. They could carry 50 men in addition to the rowers, 16 to 20. Larger ships were knowned to use double rows (two rowers per bank) or alternate rowing 1, 1-2 like the Hemiolia. The latter was probably also derived from either Illyrian/Ionian or Aegean pirates. The Hemiolia would grew and gradually replace the old Triere in Hellenistic navies.

The king of Macedon once ordered 100 such ships for the first Macedonian war. As a 8-7th Century BC shows, primitive ships had a horse-style prow. Illyrian tactics at sea were unsophisticated but efficient. They had no fancy manoeuvers since they did not possessed a ram and were too light to use it effectively, no tower or upper bridge. Instead they relied in a simple and effective tactic. They offered litteraly to the enemy the flank of one boat, between which other ships will soon be lashed together in groups of four. Then, jumping from boat to boat they would simply overwhelm the enemy ship. There was no known "marine infantry", only regular troops using their ships as attack platforms.

The Liburnians in particular made galaia, a trading galley, a lembus, a fishing ship turned light assault ship (later Croatian levut) and in Byzantine times the drakoforos, with a dragonhead prow. A 10 meters boat from the 1st century BC in Zaton near Nin (Aenona in Classical Liburnia) had a keel with bottom planking made of 6 rows of wooden boards each side sewn with resin cords and wooden wedges. Called "Serilia Liburnica" she was made of Deciduous trees (oak and beech) and climber for the cords. The Romans discovered these in the last illyrian war and during Pompey's "cleaning" of the Mediterranean from piracy, and adopted a variant of their own the Liburna, widely used at the Battle of Actium in 31 BC, when Octavian naval forces chased with Antony's in Greece. The Liburna slowly grew heavier during the Byzantine era, but kept her name and relatively light status.

Bas-relief showing Illyrian horsemen

The Illyrian warriors considered there were the Ardiaei, a southern coastal tribe, and their allies. If it's acknowledged that flat oblong shields were of Celtic influence and rather assimilated with northern tribes, like the Dardanians and Dalmatians. However southern tribes generally used round shields. Some were heavy and made of hamerred bronze, for the nobles, while the most current were made of wood, and of the size and shape of the Macedonian pelta rather than an aspsis. They were light and well suited for mountaineers practicing guerilla and raids. Among all weaponry found in many burials, the Sica was arguably the most common. Close in function and shape to the greek Kopis, it was a cutting blade with an inner edge. Most javelins and spears were simple wooden shafts tipped with a mass-produced metal flat leaf-shaped spearhead and rolled spearsocket. However some Illyrian warriors used a long metallic spear called Sibyna. Like boar spears it was short and heavy, and had ears along the spearsocket. The Illyrians made also good use of peasant weaponry such as clubs and maces, but also used battle axes, and single-handed axes that could be hurled. Light troops of slingers and bowmen were also common.
Famous fresco in the Royal palace of Scodra (Shkodër, Albania)

The Sandals of Ancient Egypt

(Ankh in the hand of goddess Image via Tangopaso Wikimedia Commons)

The first evidence of people settling along the Nile Delta dates to 5000 BCE and societies like the Amratian Society of the Upper Egypt forming in 4000 BCE. It was the Menes who eventually joined Upper and Lower Egypt into one kingdom in 3110 BCE. As reported in Ledger (1985) shoes made from fine leather were worn by the high born in 4000 BCE. History of ancient Egypt is broken into three Kingdoms i.e. The Old, The Middle, and the New Kingdom. The time period covers 3 millennium (2920 - 30 BCE) and during this time there were 30 Dynasties. The fortunes of Egypt rose and fell but as trade routes increased more influence from other civilisations became apparent in both costume and custom. The vast majority of Egyptians went barefoot most of the time, but those of higher stations wore various styles of sandals.

(Menes Palette, Egypt, c. 3100 BCE Image via Pinterest)

In the Old Kingdom (2686 BCE – 2181 BCE), kings of Egypt (not called Pharaohs until the New Kingdom) became living gods and ruled absolutely. The first King of Egypt was King Narmer who was depicted walking barefoot with his slave bearing sandals behind him (Turner Wilcox 1948, p2). This would suggest footwear was kept for special occasions and the custom was to have sandals carried to the point of destination, before being worn for the occasion. Bearers of sandals often received promotion as recorded by Weni the Elder in the 6th century (2323 -2152 BCE). By now Egypt was a major trading nation and enjoyed fabulous wealth. During the 7th and 8th Dynasty (2150 – 2135 BCE) famine prevailed with, civil disorder, and a high death rates until the political structure of the Old Kingdom finally collapsed. The 9th and 10th Dynasty (2135 -1986 BCE) saw Egypt split into the north, ruled from Herakleopolis, and the south, ruled from Thebes.

(Sandal Maker, Tomb of Rekhmire Image via Metropolitan Museum of Art)

During this time foreign trade again brought great riches with the building of many magnificent buildings and crafts like jewelry, prospered. Sandals dating to 2000 BCE were made from leather sandals and held next to the foot by plaited or woven thongs between the great and second toes, then wrapped around the ankles (Turner Wilcox 1948 p2.) The oldest images of shoemakers were found in frescoes in Thebes and were dated to 19th century BCE (Turner Wilcox 1948 p3). Shoemakers are depicted using implements similar to modern shoemaking tools.

(Ancient egyptian sandals Image via Pinterest)

Originally sandals were made from a footprint in wet sand. Braided papyrus was then moulded into soles and the sandals were attached by palm fibre thongs to keep them on the foot. The Egyptian sandal was held next to the foot by three ties or thongs. The main thong passed between the big and second toe and joined the other straps on the instep to form a stirrup and tied behind the heel. Alternatively, a thong between toe two and three with the others on the medial and lateral aspect of the midfoot was used. The sole was typically flat.

Once the Egyptians learned to tan hide, sandals were made with a leather sole (Girotti, 1986). Kings and their immediate families were the only Egyptians allowed to wear them (Turner Wilcox 1948 p2.). Allowances were made for high dignitaries and priests with the latter designated to wear footcovers made of fine basket work of white papyrus (Turner Wilcox 1948). One reason why priests did not wear leather sandals may have been to prevent them from contacting the hide of a dead animal (Turner Wilcox 1948 p2). Sandals were not worn in temples and other Holy Places (Turner Wilcox 1948p 3). Footwear did not differ according to sex. Soles were dyed and the sandals were made to accommodate right and left fittings (Turner Wilcox 1948 p2). High born Egyptian women often adorned their sandals with jewels and precious metal (Turner Wilcox 1948 p 3). Later sandals were also made from gazelle skin and became associated with active pursuits such as hunting.

( Amenemhet I Image via Quora)

Early Middle Kingdom (2055 BCE – 1650 BCE) shoes were little more than sandals with straps between the toes and joined to the sides at the heel with the upper leather just covering the foot without being fastened to the foot itself. The soles were plaided using strips of wood, rush , or flax. Alternatively they were made from untanned hide. An Asian influence become more apparent when King Amenemhet I (1991� BC) started trade routes. The introduction of uppers would appear to add to the aesthetic of shoes and seem to be worn tight if illustrations dating between 200 BCE and 200AD depict corn cutters operating on feet incapacitated by tight uppers.

(Egyptian Plaited Reed Sandals Image via Sands of time)

Rush sandals were soled with leather. During the Middle Kingdom more robust footwear saw increasing use of sandals by soldiers and travellers (Lichtheim Vol II 1975). Sandals were adapted to work situations and butchers wore sandals made with a slice of cork sandwiched between two layers of leather on the sole and held together with small wooden pegs. The added height, sometimes 12 “ from the floor allowed butcher to cope with slaughtering animals. Sex workers from the Lower Egypt had a ‘follow me’ message on the sole of their sandals which left a tell all imprint in the sand. Cheaper sandals meant all but the very poor wore them.

(Hatshepsut Image via National Geographic)

King Thutmose I and his Queen Hat-Shep-Sut turned Egypt into a super power. The much loved Queen Hat-Shep-Sut (1479� BCE ) wore bejewelled sandals. Her influence saw a rise in the popularity of sandal wearing and she actively fostered the sandal trade. Sandals took on the trappings of prosperity and authority.

(Sandals New Kingdom Image via Pinterest)

High quality footwear was made from ‘moroccan’ style leather with lamb and goat skins dyed scarlet, green and purple (Turner Wilcox 1948 p2). Priests wore papyrus or palm leaf sandals made so that they could be slipped on from the front or rear. Egyptian priests removed their shoes out of respect for their gods. It was also the custom to remove sandals in the presence of superior rank . Shoes were worn outside the house but never in the home and much later children wore red or green slippers.

(Ankh symbol Image via Pinterest)

The origin of the ancient symbol for life i.e. the Ankh (symbol for life) is unknown but Egyptologist, Sir Alan Gardiner thought insignia looked like a flattened thong. It might not be coincidence that the word ‘nkh” was used to describe the section of the sandal where a toe thong was attached. A common cure for headaches in ancient Egypt was to inhale the smoke from burning sandals.

(Ancient Egyptian sandals Image via Pinterest)

In the 18th Dynasty Thutmose III (1479� BCE) ruled Egypt for almost fifty-four years During this time he undertook many military campaigns. The Pharaoh spoke of the countries he conquered, as the lands under his sandal. A wall painting in the city of Thebes shows craftsmen fashioning sandals during the time of Thutmose III). It was during this time the Jews remained captive in Egypt and many were taught the craft of sandal making. Jewish sandals were made from rush, linen, leather, or wood and were tied to the feet with thongs. Soldiers wore heavier leather shoes and the custom was to stand on caricatures of the enemy. “You have trodden the impure Gentile under your powerful feet” (Turner Wilcox,1948 p 4). Enemies of Egypt were depicted differently: Hebrews had beards and long hair. Libyans were black figures and Syrians had white cloaks (reported in The Chiropodist, 1927, The Leeds Convention, 1926), and Hittites are depicted unshod. All the more unusual since the Hittites came from the Anatolian highlands and wore shoes with turned up toes.

(king tut gold sandals Image via Pinterest)

In the outer chambers of the tomb of King Tut-Ankh-amen (1336 – 1327 BCE) there are two statues of the king wearing shoes with a golden ring. In the tomb of the boy Pharaoh there was is a shield decorated with figures wearing Assyrian sandals. The Mummy had pointed sandals of embossed gold with the toes curled gently upwards in the Hittite style. In Egypt golden thong sandals were used as funeral sandals (Bigelow, 1970 p32) and the belief was these provided comfort in after-death journeys. Egyptian mummies were sometimes laid to rest wearing burial sandals made from linen and decorated with jewellery (Putnam, 1996 ).

(Tutankhamun's sandals Image via Pinterest)

In Tut-Ankh-amen’s tomb was a magnificent box containing 93 pieces of sandals and slippers. Some were made from gold with beautiful coloured glass marquetry. One had a papyrus sole and leather ankles trap edged with a gold ribbon motif on wide straps. The motif represented the Nile scene of lotus flowers and ducks in delicate circles of gold (Turner Wilcox 1948 p4). The thongs were composed of plaques topped with enamelled gold lotus blossoms. The flexible sole was about ¼” thick. A pair of bark sandals was also found in the tomb with the representation of the Kings enemies etched on the inside of the sole.

(Ancient Egyptian golden throne Image via Pinterest)

Painted on the back of the king’s thrown were representation of himself and his Queen, Ankhesenamon . She was wearing simple sandals which followed her foot outline and attached to the foot with a single thong. The actual sandals are an exhibit in the British Museum.

(Tomb QV44 Ramses III and his son Image via Khaemwaset )

Ramesses III ( 1186� BCE), was one of the greatest Egyptian kings and wore elaborately decorated sandals. During the 25th Dynasty (712-657 BCE) the Greeks helped re-establish order in Egypt and there was a renaissance in the arts with a return to the Old Kingdom style. The Persians invaded and ruled Egypt (525-404 BCE). Later Alexander the Great invaded in 332 BCE. The sum total of which was a rich cross fertilsation in clothing and custom.

Funeral sandals were found in a mummy case of Harsiotef , Kushite King of Meroe (about 404 - 369 BCE). These were lined with cloth upon which was painted a figure. Inscribed in hieroglyphics is “ Ye have trodden the impure peoples under your powerful foot.” This is now housed in the British Museum.

(Coffin of Egyptian mummy. Image via donsmaps.com)

After Cleopatra and Antony committed suicide in 30 B CE, Egypt was ruled by the Romans. By this time shoe styles had extended to sock like boots made in very fine leathers (Turner Wilcox 1948 p5). These were usually highly decorated and were fashion with a stall to accommodate the leather toe seperator (thong) in sandals (Turner Wilcox, 1948 p 5).

Anon 1927 The Leeds Convention The Chiropodist 14:91 264.
Bigelow MS 1970 Fashion in history apparel in the western world Minneapolis: Burgess Publishing Co.
Ledger FE 1985 Put your foot down: a treatise on the history of shoes Melksham: Uffington Press.
Lichtheim M, 1978 Ancient Egyptian Literature, Vol II JARCE 15 127-28.
Lister M 1987 Costume: An illustrated survey from ancient times to the 20th century Boston: Plays Inc.
Putnam J 1996 Collins Eyewitness Guides :Mummy NSW: Harper Collins Publisher p49.
Turner Wilcox R 1948 The mode in footwear:A historical survey New York: Choles Scribrier & Sons.

Political and social organization of the Minoan civilization

The Minoan territory was divided into small kingdoms , organized around the cities of Knossos, Festos, Maliá, Zakros and Hagia Triada. It is assumed that at some point he managed to impose his domination over the entire island.

In the center of each of the cities there was a palace where the king , his court and a bureaucracy made up of various officials lived . These were in charge of planning economic activities and storing, in royal warehouses, the products delivered by the peasants of the surrounding villages.

Skillful craftsmen worked in the workshops of palaces and cities who made important technical innovations, such as welding, locks, keys, and the dyeing of fabrics with murix, a purple-colored substance extracted from a mollusk.

In Cretan society, women had a prominent place. They participated in palace activities and presided over religious ceremonies .

Ancient Cretans by city-state

Minoan civilization was devastated by the Thera eruption, Crete developed an Ancient Greece - influenced organization of city states, then successively became
indicate the ancient Greek city - states, like Classical Athens and its contemporaries, and thus is often translated as city - state These cities consisted
masculinity. Cretan society is known in Greece and internationally for family and clan vendettas which persist on the island to date. Cretans also have a
Kydonia or Cydonia sɪˈdoʊniə Ancient Greek: Κυδωνία Latin: Cydonia was an ancient city - state on the northwest coast of the island of Crete. It is
overview of and topical guide to Ancient Greece: Towns of ancient Greece List of ancient Greek cities Regions of ancient Greece Peloponnese Achaea Patras
Ancient Greek in classical antiquity, before the development of the common Koine Greek of the Hellenistic period, was divided into several varieties.
about 220 BCE, at first all the Cretans were fighting against Lyctus, but then disagreements arose among the Cretans and some, like the people of Arcades
The Cretan lyra Greek: Κρητική λύρα is a Greek pear - shaped, three - stringed bowed musical instrument, central to the traditional music of Crete and other
bribed to do so by the Ephesian people. For this act he was banished by the Cretans Apparently starting with just a single foot race, the program gradually
Help, which was certainly well known in Rome by 1499. At this date there is little to distinguish Cretan work from other Byzantine icons stylistically
inscription in the ancient Doric Greek language of the island. On another inscription was a decree of a common assembly of the Cretans an instance of
Ancient Greece Greek: Ἑλλάς, romanized: Hellas was a civilization belonging to a period of Greek history from the Greek Dark Ages of the 12th 9th centuries

nature of Ancient Greek society seems to have made continuous conflict on this larger scale inevitable. Along with the rise of the city - state evolved a
activity is indicated by the construction of terraces and dams at Pseira in the Late Minoan period. Cretan cuisine included wild game: Cretans ate wild deer
The history of ancient Greek coinage can be divided along with most other Greek art forms into four periods, the Archaic, the Classical, the Hellenistic
emerged. Although much Cretan music remains consciously close to its folk roots and an integral part of the fabric of many Cretans everyday lives, it is
Tarrha or Tarra Ancient Greek: Τάρρα also Tarrhus or Tarros Τάρρος was a polis city - state in the southwestern part of ancient Crete, near the Samaria
Ancient Greek includes the forms of the Greek language used in ancient Greece and the ancient world from around the 9th century BC to the 6th century
It is not only the most warlike peoples, the Boeotians, Spartans, and Cretans who are the most susceptible to this kind of love but also the greatest
The Macedonians Greek: Μακεδόνες, Makedones were an ancient tribe that lived on the alluvial plain around the rivers Haliacmon and lower Axios in the
Cretan cuisine Greek: Κρητική κουζίνα is the traditional cuisine of the Mediterranean island of Crete. The core of the Cretan cuisine consists of food
since ancient times, previously serving the city of Aptera. Aptera was founded in the 7th Century BC and was an important city during the ancient and early

The Cretan War 205 200 BC was fought by King Philip V of Macedon, the Aetolian League, many Cretan cities of which Olous and Hierapytna were the most
true Cretans itself composed from ἐτεός eteos true and Κρής Krḗs Cretan is the non - Greek language of a few alphabetic inscriptions of ancient Crete
Macedonia ˌmæsɪˈdoʊniə listen Ancient Greek: Μακεδονία, Makedonia also called Macedon ˈmæsɪdɒn was an ancient kingdom on the periphery of Archaic
and the range achievable. Foot archers, notably mercenary Cretans were also employed Cretans were noted for the heavy, large - headed arrows they used.
close intertwining of Cretan and Venetian cultures, without, however, the Cretans losing their Greek Orthodox nature. The city s name became La Canea
was the first city attacked, where there had been some Mycenaean Greeks apparently under the rule of Cretans After overthrowing the Cretan government and
Prostitution was a common aspect of ancient Greece. In the more important cities and particularly the many ports, it employed a significant number of
philosophy was influenced to some extent by the older wisdom literature and mythological cosmogonies of the ancient Near East, though the extent of this influence

  • Minoan civilization was devastated by the Thera eruption, Crete developed an Ancient Greece - influenced organization of city states, then successively became
  • indicate the ancient Greek city - states, like Classical Athens and its contemporaries, and thus is often translated as city - state These cities consisted
  • masculinity. Cretan society is known in Greece and internationally for family and clan vendettas which persist on the island to date. Cretans also have a
  • Kydonia or Cydonia sɪˈdoʊniə Ancient Greek: Κυδωνία Latin: Cydonia was an ancient city - state on the northwest coast of the island of Crete. It is
  • overview of and topical guide to Ancient Greece: Towns of ancient Greece List of ancient Greek cities Regions of ancient Greece Peloponnese Achaea Patras
  • Ancient Greek in classical antiquity, before the development of the common Koine Greek of the Hellenistic period, was divided into several varieties.
  • about 220 BCE, at first all the Cretans were fighting against Lyctus, but then disagreements arose among the Cretans and some, like the people of Arcades
  • The Cretan lyra Greek: Κρητική λύρα is a Greek pear - shaped, three - stringed bowed musical instrument, central to the traditional music of Crete and other
  • bribed to do so by the Ephesian people. For this act he was banished by the Cretans Apparently starting with just a single foot race, the program gradually
  • Help, which was certainly well known in Rome by 1499. At this date there is little to distinguish Cretan work from other Byzantine icons stylistically
  • inscription in the ancient Doric Greek language of the island. On another inscription was a decree of a common assembly of the Cretans an instance of
  • Ancient Greece Greek: Ἑλλάς, romanized: Hellas was a civilization belonging to a period of Greek history from the Greek Dark Ages of the 12th 9th centuries
  • nature of Ancient Greek society seems to have made continuous conflict on this larger scale inevitable. Along with the rise of the city - state evolved a
  • activity is indicated by the construction of terraces and dams at Pseira in the Late Minoan period. Cretan cuisine included wild game: Cretans ate wild deer
  • The history of ancient Greek coinage can be divided along with most other Greek art forms into four periods, the Archaic, the Classical, the Hellenistic
  • emerged. Although much Cretan music remains consciously close to its folk roots and an integral part of the fabric of many Cretans everyday lives, it is
  • Tarrha or Tarra Ancient Greek: Τάρρα also Tarrhus or Tarros Τάρρος was a polis city - state in the southwestern part of ancient Crete, near the Samaria
  • Ancient Greek includes the forms of the Greek language used in ancient Greece and the ancient world from around the 9th century BC to the 6th century
  • It is not only the most warlike peoples, the Boeotians, Spartans, and Cretans who are the most susceptible to this kind of love but also the greatest
  • The Macedonians Greek: Μακεδόνες, Makedones were an ancient tribe that lived on the alluvial plain around the rivers Haliacmon and lower Axios in the
  • Cretan cuisine Greek: Κρητική κουζίνα is the traditional cuisine of the Mediterranean island of Crete. The core of the Cretan cuisine consists of food
  • since ancient times, previously serving the city of Aptera. Aptera was founded in the 7th Century BC and was an important city during the ancient and early
  • The Cretan War 205 200 BC was fought by King Philip V of Macedon, the Aetolian League, many Cretan cities of which Olous and Hierapytna were the most
  • true Cretans itself composed from ἐτεός eteos true and Κρής Krḗs Cretan is the non - Greek language of a few alphabetic inscriptions of ancient Crete
  • Macedonia ˌmæsɪˈdoʊniə listen Ancient Greek: Μακεδονία, Makedonia also called Macedon ˈmæsɪdɒn was an ancient kingdom on the periphery of Archaic
  • and the range achievable. Foot archers, notably mercenary Cretans were also employed Cretans were noted for the heavy, large - headed arrows they used.
  • close intertwining of Cretan and Venetian cultures, without, however, the Cretans losing their Greek Orthodox nature. The city s name became La Canea
  • was the first city attacked, where there had been some Mycenaean Greeks apparently under the rule of Cretans After overthrowing the Cretan government and
  • Prostitution was a common aspect of ancient Greece. In the more important cities and particularly the many ports, it employed a significant number of
  • philosophy was influenced to some extent by the older wisdom literature and mythological cosmogonies of the ancient Near East, though the extent of this influence

Ancient crete civilization.

Lake in the town of Aghios Nikolaos on the Greek island of Crete While these ancient sites were hardly cities in the more modern sense,. The Mycenaean Civilization Penfield Central School District. Information about the Roman province of Crete. Ancient Rome History at. Home Daily Life City states were established and intense rivalries developed between cities such as Knossos, Cydonia and Gortyna. Despite these​. Crete, Archaeology of SpringerLink. Our understanding of the development of ancient city states has been Historical sources for the early Cretan city define social relationships in terms of. Ancient Greek Coins: 15 Classical Coins By City TheCollector. One of the great traditions of modern Crete is…ancient Crete. The islands 1000 BC, Iron Age city states gradually arose. However, Crete.

Polyrrinia, Kissamos Museum & Minoan cooking lesson Cretan.

The polis or city stateEdit. Polis plural poleis, literally means city in Greek but the word city also included the terms state, citizenship and body of citizens. Chania EuroMotorCreta, Rent a car Stalis, car rentals crete, car. Other cities are also to be found mainly in the center and eastern parts of the island. The ancient greek city states separate and independent states. Minoan civilization TimeMaps. Philip also formed an alliance with several important Cretan cities, such as Hierapynta and Rome would come to dominate the ancient world over the next several Philip rejected the Roman ultimatum to stop attacking Greek states and the. The Greek polis article Classical Greece Khan Academy. Thucydides vision of ancient Crete was a thalassocracy, from the Greek Knossos exercised some kind of hegemony over other Cretan cities.

Knossos ancient city, Crete Britannica.

Cretan city states. The island is over one hundred and fifty miles long and many of the cities were hard of access. Yet Aristotle, who men tions only Lyttos from. Fantastic Things to Do in Rethymnon, Crete The Tiny Book. The polis is an ancient Greek city state that unified different settlements into a shared identity centered on shared land. When a polis was. Ancient City of Polyrinia Kissamos 2020 All You Need to Know. City in ancient Crete, the principle center of Minoan civilization that dominated the Aegean between Highest and most fortified point within a Greek city state. The Warriors Banquet: Syssitia in Ancient Crete Department of. 2020s top ancient ruins in Crete include The Palace of Knossos, Palace of 12 days in Greece BY A USER FROM UNITED STATES PREFERENCES: base for exploring a renowned Minoan palace complex, the site of Europes oldest city. The life of greece crete 01. Knossos palace, city, state proceedings of the conference in Herakleion organised by The Knossos hunt and wild goats in ancient Crete Jonas Eiring.

The Establishment of the City States of Eastern Crete from the.

Chryssi Island and the Settlement Patterns of the Ierapetra Area Crete. While ancient Athens famously developed a form of democracy, Cretan city states. How did the cities of Crete differ from other cities in ancient. Olous was the most powerful city state near Lato, one of the greatest on the island, with a sanctuary, harbour and its own coinage. In ancient times, around the. S Ancient Civilizations of the World The City State. This map shows some of the many city states of ancient Greece and includes the places that various characters from The Iliad and the Odyssey are supposed to. The Cities of Crete TripSavvy. When Crete was declared an autonomous state in 1898, The political climate was told by a peasant antiquarian about a hill with broken bits of pottery and old walls. According to Homer, Crete had 90 towns, with Knossos as the great city.

Hotels near Kydonia Ancient City State, Crete Island BEST HOTEL.

The Mycenaeans are named after the city state of Mycenae, a palace city and one were influenced by the earlier Minoan civilization, located on the island of Crete. decided that day, that he would be the one to decipher this ancient script​. Cretan War New World Encyclopedia. Down to Crete next for both trekking and village tours before you The hillside ruins at ancient Aptera, one of the largest city states in Crete. Minoan Crete Lake Forest College. Stereotypes of ancient Crete and marginalizing it within studies of the Hellenistic Greece.17 Many Greek cities were full of rebellious intentions and were still vying for period through to the Roman period, where Romans placed a state of​. Sights in Crete Lonely Planet. Ancient Greece with its associations of city states, democratic governance, and iconic material culture, can no longer be envisaged as a uniform geographical. Study World History Vocab Chp. 5 Flashcards Quizlet. The largest island in Greece, Crete is a diverse and vibrant land packed with ancient ruins, buzzing cities and breathtaking beaches. Many people come here for. Interesting Book Reads – Exploring Hellenistic and Roman Crete. One of ancient Cretes most important city states, Aptera sits on a hill just south of the bay, with two seaports at the entrance to Souda Bay. Check out this active.

Abandoned Ancient Settlements: Migrations of Eastern Crete.

One of the best preserved old towns in Crete is certainly the old town of Different sources state that this was probably the acropolis of ancient. Ancient Crete Classics Oxford Bibliographies. Minoan civilization, centred on the Palace of Knossos, in ancient Crete, where rulers of well placed chiefdoms and city states which straddled the trade routes.

Crete in Aristotles Politics Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies.

At that time cities like Knossos, Phaistos also Phaestos or Festos and Malia started to Crete at that time were not presented a single state. Exploring Western Cretes Ancient Minoan Archaeological. The city of Lato East Crete The ancient hilltop city state of Lato is one of Cretes few non minoan ancient sites. Founded by the Dorians in the. History: Crete Culture of Peace. Chania, ancient Kydonia, in the west, to Amnissos in the east.2 And for the Hellenistic single Cretan constitution, presumably enjoyed by all Cretan city ​states.

Ancient Crete pedia.

It then examines changes in the ancient built environment, particularly the For example, Cretan cities often lacked large public spaces and monumental urban Megara Hyblaia and Selinous: The Development of Two Greek City States in. Island of Crete, Greece Encyclopedia The Free Dictionary. Populated places in ancient Crete. Navigation menu. Personal tools. Not logged in Talk. Heraklion History Heraklion Crete. After the downfall of the Mycenaeans, Crete was ruled by various ancient Greek city states until the Romans conquered the island in 69 BCE. Greek Panorama in Athens, Mainland Greece, The Cyclades, and. From around 3560–1400 B.C., inhabitants known as Minoans controlled Crete and ruled the island in autonomous city states. Although the Minoans were able.

Lato an ancient city on the island of Crete in Greece.

Did the ancient city of Mycenae look anything like the airy building style of the Minoan cities on The Cretan cities were built on low, mild lined hills or in the plains when Leonard Stark, Graphic Design from The Ohio State University ​2017. 10 Best Things to Do in Crete What is Crete Most Famous For?. Aptera Ancient City. Aptera was one of the most important city states of Crete. It was already mentioned in Linear B inscriptions 13th – 14th century B.C. and. What We Know About the Minoan Civilization Greece Is. The first civilization in ancient Greece was located on the island of Crete. Named after a The age of the city states was between 1100 to 700 BC. Only a few. CRETE EMERGING CITIES EXHIBITION Museum of Cycladic Art. See R. F. Willetts, The Civilization of Ancient Crete 1978 J. W. Graham et al. The Cretan city states painstakingly drew up a code of laws the Gortyna Laws.

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The homeland of a large number of independent poleis Greek city states. Ancient Greek literature portrays the Cretan poleis as sharing in a. Ancient crete successful collapse democracys alternatives. Why Go: See new artefacts from ancient Cretan cities. Crete – Emerging Cities: As Professor Nikos Stampolidis, Director of the Museum of Cycladic Art, states. History of Crete pedia. The Minoans built a large civilization on the island of Crete that flourished from There were other Mycenaean cities that grew into major city states during the. Seeking the Seeds of Civilization on Crete The GypsyNesters. Ancient City of Polyrinia. 54 Reviews. 5 of 19 things to do in Crete Ancient Ruins. Get the full experience and book a tour. Recommended. Our most popular​.

15 Ancient Ruins in Crete: Map, Photos, Reviews Inspirock.

Discover the best attractions in Crete including Palace of Knossos, Heraklion This state of the art museum is one of the largest and most important in Greece. The ruins of the ancient city of Aptera, about 13.5km east of Hania, spread over​. Did the ancient city of Mycenae look anything like the airy building. In this regard, it seems appropriate that the status of women in ancient Crete was In the Minoan states, the king is thought to have performed the functions of in Kydonia on Crete where the serfs, the Klarotes, could lord it in the city while. Free Anthropology Flashcards about Ancient Greece Vocab. Ancient Polyrrhenia is located 7km south from Kissamos and in the antiquity it was one of the major hilltop city states of Western Crete. Its important history can​.

History of Elounda Ancient Olous or Olounda Explore Crete.

How did cities in Crete differ from cities in other ancient civilizations? Each city Well, Crete was the largest city state in Greece and it was very mountainous. Ancient Greece for Kids: Minoans and Mycenaeans Ducksters. Find Hotels in Kydonia Ancient City State, Crete Island friendly and helpful, and was able to give useful information on the city as well as various travel tips. Rise and Fall of the Mighty Minoans National Geographic. Scholarship. §9 Ancient Cretan city names have been recorded through centuries.

Watch the video: Cretan Heavy Archers - Historical Animation by Plarium Global (December 2021).