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The Personal Kit of a British Soldier at the Start of the Asia-Pacific War

The Personal Kit of a British Soldier at the Start of the Asia-Pacific War


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When the Japanese attacked Singapore, the British Army was unprepared for an enemy who knew how to fight in jungle terrain and troops were still very much equipped with the same uniforms and accoutrements as had been used throughout the interwar period.

This uniform had evolved from designs used for service on the North West Frontier of India, being made of khaki coloured cotton. Khaki, the Hindustani word for dust, was a light sandy shade and whilst it camouflaged men in the arid north of India, was highly visible against the verdant jungles of Malaya.

The uniform

The typical equipment of a British soldier fighting in the Far-East at the outbreak of hostilities in late 1941.

The design of the uniforms themselves were also of questionable utility. Shorts were commonly used, although ‘Bombay bloomers’ were also a common sight. Bombay bloomers were a pair of trousers that were designed to allow the legs to be rolled up or down to change them quickly into shorts and back again. These trousers were baggy and unpopular and many men had them cut down into normal shorts. Whether wearing shorts or ‘Bombay Bloomers’, the men’s legs were vulnerable to insect bites and being lacerated by vegetation.

By the start of the war, shirts were commonly of aertex material, this was a loose weave cotton that had small holes throughout and so was far cooler to wear in the tropics than standard cotton drill; again the colour was a light shade of khaki.

Headgear was typically a sun helmet, either a pith ‘polo’ type or a Wolseley type. These bulky items of headgear were universal in the tropics during the interwar period and were designed to shade the head from the heat of the sun. They were light and reasonably comfortable, but not very practical in jungle settings, where their fragility and size made them awkward.

Helmets were often substituted to offer the men some protection and the distinctive rimmed Mk II helmet used, this was essentially the same helmet as used in World War One, but with an updated liner.

The steel helmet pictured here was essentially the same as the one the British had used over 20 years earlier during World War One.

Boots were standard black leather ammunition boots, as had been used across the Empire for over a century. These boots were studded with hobnails and whilst effective in temperate climates, were prone to rotting in the hot and humid jungles of Southeast Asia. The stitching that held the boots together rapidly disintegrated and the boots literally fell off the wearer’s feet after a few weeks.

This was to be an ongoing problem throughout the war and resupply of fresh boots was to become a logistical problem during the fight against the Japanese. Boots were worn with either long socks, or more commonly short socks and hose tops.

Hose tops were a sleeve of sock material that was worn over the short sock and effectively increased its height up the leg. Socks tended to wear out at the toes and heels, so the hose top allowed less material to be wasted as it was only the lower part that was being thrown away when the sock wore through.

Webbing

One area where the men were equipped with up to date items was in the field of webbing accoutrements. The British Army had introduced the new 1937 pattern webbing equipment set a few years earlier and by 1941 this was in widespread use. This web equipment was made of pre-shrunk woven cotton webbing and had two large basic pouches that were designed to allow the men to carry Bren magazines to support a sections light machine gun.

An original set of early British-made web equipment, made of pre-shrunk woven cotton webbing.

A typical load for a man was a pair of filled Bren magazines in one pouch and grenades and a cotton bandolier of rifle ammunition in the other. The set also included a bayonet frog for the sword bayonet that was still being used with the Short magazine Lee Enfield rifle, a water bottle and its carrier and a small haversack that was worn high on the back.

This haversack contained everything a soldier carried in the field; mess tins, spare clothing, wash kit, groundsheet etc. It was never large enough, but had a greater carrying capacity than its predecessors and troops soon learnt how to pack it for maximum efficiency.

The water bottle was a kidney shaped enamelled metal bottle which could carry two pints of water. It was stoppered by a cork on a piece of string and the design could trace its origins back to the late Victorian era. It was perhaps the weakest part of the design as the enamel was easily chipped and the bottle was such as tight fit in many men’s webbing that another soldier had to assist in removing and replacing it at water stops. It would not be until 1944 that the British Army replaced this design with a far superior aluminium design based off the US M1910 pattern.

Over the course of his 106 years, Doctor William Frankland has experienced more than most. He served with the Royal Medical Corps during World War Two, spending more than three years as a prisoner of war of the Japanese following the fall of Singapore. After the war, his medical career focussed on the understanding and treatment of allergies.

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Abundant (initial) shortcomings

The design of the uniform and equipment used by the British Army in the Far East at the start of the campaign with Japan was not bad and in the context of the period was perfectly adequate to troops expecting to serve in hot climates, but with no experience of the realities of jungle warfare.

These shortcomings were, however, to become abundantly clear with the Japanese assault on Singapore and lessons were quickly learnt. The fall of Singapore and Malaya cannot be laid at the door of the soldiers’ uniforms – far greater factors were in play – but their design does highlight the lack of any sort of conception of what fighting this enemy would be like.

Within a short period of time simple expediencies such as dying uniforms green would take place and within three years a whole new set of uniform and equipment was designed specifically for jungle warfare.

Edward Hallett is a regular contributor to the Armourer magazine. He also writes the ‘Tales from the Supply Depot’ militaria blog which has developed into the largest online site of its kind devoted to collecting and researching British and Empire military artefacts. His book, British Empire Uniforms 1919 to 1939, co-authored with Michael Skriletz, was published on 15 July 2019 by Amberley Publishing.


British Identification

There would be no difference between Scottish troops and British troops from an identification perspective--except info applied.

Here is an English Translation of an article I did for the French "Militaria Magazine"--this is a bit highlevel and I have much more detail.


The British soldier of the Great War carried three primary types of personal identification. The first was the identification disc, or discs, the second being his pay book, and the third being his Small Book. Each one was intended to meet a specific purpose identification of bodily remains, identification for pay purposes, and identification of a soldier’s service record and history

Until 1906 each British soldier had been issued with a descriptive card (Army Form B 2067) upon mobilization. A special pocket had been included in the original patterns of the Service Dress jacket for this card. However, by 1906 this card was considered inadequate for its intended purpose.

The Aluminium Disc:
An Aluminium Identity Disc suspended by a 42 inch (106.7cm) cord and meant to be worn around the neck was approved by the Royal Army Clothing Department in August and September of 1906 and formally introduced into service by an Army Order in January 1907. This disc was to contain not less than 98% aluminium. The discs were to be marked locally by the unit and were to be stored until mobilization. At first the issues of discs were only meant for regulars and reservists.

Slight modifications in marking and storage instructions ensued over the next few years. The requirement to mark the rank was dropped and issue of the disc was extended to special reservists and Territorial Force soldiers. In addition for units and men stationed in India each soldier maintained his own identity disc.

At the outbreak of the Great War each soldier was issued at mobilization with one aluminium identity disc fitted with a 42 inch (106.7cm) cord. Each disc was stamped with name, number, unit, and religious denomination or in the case of a Territorial force soldier his name, number, and unit.

Red Disc:
Immediately following the outbreak of war the disc pattern was changed. A new identity disc was approved on 21 August 1914 and which made of red vulcanized asbestos fibre. Issue and marking instructions remained the same as the aluminium disc. The aluminium disc would remain on issue until supplies ran out and would service on for quite some time, especially among the commonwealth troops. The issue of a single identity tag remained in effect until September 1916

Instructions found in the “Field Service Regulations, 1909”, stipulated that the identity tag of any deceased soldier would be collected and forwarded by his officer commanding to the base records office. For all practical purposes these instructions removed all identification from the deceased soldier. This led to identification problems of remains so to ensure identification a second disc was introduced.

Red and Green Disc:
In September 1916 an Army Order introduced a second disc. This order simply stated that each soldier and officer would be supplied with two identity discs. The new disc would be known as “Disc, identity, No. 1 green” and the already issued disc as “Disc identity, No. 2 red”. “Disc, identity, No. 1 green” would be issued with 6 inches of cord. No record of the approved pattern number was found for the green disc but it was made of same vulcanized asbestos fibre as the red disc.

In October 1916, another Army Order issued instructions for the proper use of both discs. This order stated that the “Disc, identity, No. 1 green” would not be removed but will be buried with the body. In cases where a body can be reached and identified but not be brought back for burial, the “Disc, identity, No.2 red” will be removed to ensure proper notification of death.

The issue of the second disc was not announced in France until a routine order was issued by the BEF in November 1916. The only addition to this notification were instructions for the wear of the discs issued in September 1917, which stipulated that the discs were not to be worn next to the person and should be worn outside the shirt. However, the wear of the discs could be a bit arbitrary as many photos show that the discs, or copies of the discs, were worn in a seemly haphazard fashion. It is not uncommon to see discs attached to braces and various other places on a soldier’s person.

Issuing an Army Order does not ensure that every one will follow or even read the instructions. The BEF issued orders inApril1917 which contained instructions reminding officers commanding that the Army Order issued in October 1916 must be strictly complied with as in many cases both the red and green discs were being forwarded to the Deputy Adjutant Generals office.

Unofficial Identification Discs:
During the Great War soldiers were only issued one set of identification discs. However, it became quite common for soldiers to supplement and additional forms of identification. This could be done acquiring additional “official” patterns or far more popularly purchase additional identity discs. This invariably includes the widely popular addition of identity bracelets. These were private purchase and took many forms and quality and did range from simple to very ornate and expensive bracelets.

The primary documentation that a soldier would possess once mobilized or sent on active service was Army Book 64 “Soldier’s Pay Book for use on Active Service”. The origins of this document go back to 1906. Its primary purpose was to enable soldiers to draw an advance of cash on account in the field. As such it was a means to identify both soldier and the pay that a soldier was entitled too.

Pay books were not issued in peace as there was no actual need for the pay book. Its use, like that of the identity disc, was for active service and mobilization. For serving soldiers pay books were to be kept in bundles as might have been most convenient for rapid issue upon mobilization. The officers commanding were to ensure that entries on page two were complete. Pay books would be used until completely filled out, then a new one would be issued.

During the Great War the format of the pay book could show some variation which might be a factor of when printed, by whom printed and by additional information occasionally mandated through Army Orders. The typical pay book was usually about 14 pages, more or less, in length, required the same information and covered by a reddish brown stiffened cloth cover.

On active service the pay book was to be retained by the soldier. The ramification of a lost pay book was found on page one. The designated spot for carrying the pay book was the right breast pocket of the jacket. There was a practice of withdrawing the pay book from soldiers going into action. Officially, this practice was to cease by Order in October 1916. However, the practice of withdrawing pay books apparently continued, to an extent, beyond this date in some units.

Paste in additions, and other documents were common additions to the pay book. One of the first documents mandated to be kept folded in the pay book was “Instructions for Use of Respirators and Smoke Helmets” issued June 1915. This was replaced by a series of updated gas defence instructions until the end of the war (see Militaria No. 252 p.65.)

The small book was an essential part of a soldier’s kit before the war. Its stated purpose was to provide the soldier with a record of his service in the Army, and provide him with certain information, which he will find useful during his service. It served as his personnel file and acted as a handbook and the front cover contained a pocket where a soldier could keep such things as certificates of Education.

The small book on issue at the out break of war was the 1908 or 1909 versions. These versions were intended for common use by Regular Forces, Reserves and Special Reserves. There were no provisions for the small books use by the Territorial Force.

In 1914 an amended version of the small book was issued. It differed by the reduction of pages. All versions were roughly divided into three sections recording, handbook and will. Also commonly found in small books are additional paste in inserts. A common insert is Kitchener’s 1905 warning about venereal disease for men bound for India.

Although, apparently this was an important book that a soldier maintained it seems to have disappeared from use during the war. At the beginning of the war soldiers took their “Small Books” on active service with them however by January 1915 an Army Order was issued ordering that, "When a soldier proceeds on active service his small book will be sent with his other documents to the officer i/c records concerned." Whether this was the death of small books or they continued in use only to be destroyed by the officer in charge of records at the end of the war is unknown, but surviving examples tend to get scarcer as the war years progress.


The Personal Kit of a British Soldier at the Start of the Asia-Pacific War - History

[Source: Atlas Editions Civil War Cards]

To be an effective soldier in the Civil War, a man needed to know much more than how to drill on the parade ground and how to fire his musket. It was mostly the hard school of experience that turned a green recruit fresh from his country home into a lean, weatherbeaten soldier who was able to march all night and fight all day on scant rations. Many volunteers did not survive long enough to make the transition. Adaptation to army discipline and regimentation was one of the first trials of the new soldier. The idea of showing respect to and obeying the orders of a higher-ranking soldier irrespective of that person's prewar social standing, family, or wealth required a major psychological adjustment for many men.

Providing for physical needs posed severe difficulties in Civil War armies. Soldiers had to learn how to properly cook the rations that were issued to them and how to forage for supplemental food. They learned what they could do to help prevent scurvy, typhus and other camp diseases.

Bad water and poor sanitation caused the death of many soldiers. Survivors learned the value of proper sewage disposal and the necessity of clean drinking water. They learned how to build shelters to protect themselves from the elements and how to make repeated all-day marches and they also learned the necessity of maintaining their clothes, shoes and weapon.

Volunteers went off to fight at the beginning of the war with a great deal of baggage-both army-issued equipment and personal items. In the early days of the war, a soldier carried ten pounds of gun: eighty rounds per man of ball cartridge, one pound of powder and five pounds of lead. Heavy equipment included knapsack, haversack, three-pint canteen, all full with 3 days rations, rubber blanket, woolen blanket, shelter tent, full winter clothing, tin cup, tin plate, knife, fork, spoon, stationery, photographs, journal, Bible, tobacco, pipes, comb and brush, shaving tools, sewing kit, toothbrush, soap and whatever other gear did not hang from hooks on their belts. Soldiers had to carry their own gear and weapons and they soon discarded all but the essentials. Many soldiers even quit carrying extra clothes, just wearing what they had on.

The haversack, a foot-square canvas bag with a waterproof lining, a buckled flap, and a strap that was slung over the right shoulder, became the soldiers' indispensable carryall. It was designed to hold three days' rations, but the men would usually eat them all on the first day rather than carry the weight. This left the haversack free to carry a few personal items and most important, apples, blackberries, and other forage.

When the fighting started in 1861, many North and South inventors began producing metal shields, helmets, and vests promoting them as being bulletproof. Both governments tested and considered issuing armor to their men, but both rejected the idea, primarily because of the cost, which depending on the design would range from $5 to $15 per man. One ad for armor in Harper's Weekly claimed its product had been "repeatedly and thoroughly tested with plated bullets at 10 paces, rifle bullets at 40 rods, by many army officers and is approved and worn by them," but when the soldiers tested them, the results were tragic.

In the first year of the war many men bought their armor privately some entire regiments were outfitted with it before marching off to battle. Soon, however, bulletproof vests and the men who wore them were held in contempt by their fellow soldiers. The armor was hot, heavy and uncomfortable and because the extra 10 pounds of steel plate was too much to be carried on long marches, thousands of vests were discarded in roadside ditches.

Hats provided soldiers warmth in winter and shade in summer, offered some protection from rain, and served as handy bags for carrying foraged eggs and blackberries.

The styles of hats most commonly worn during the Civil War were the forage cap and its cousin the kepi. The original 1858 forage cap had a narrow leather visor and a high crown with a round, usually perfectly flat, top that flopped forward at a sharp angle. The kepi was a french-style forage cap with a lower crown and a top that tilted at a smaller angle. Where the top of a forage cap was flat, a kepi usually had a raised roll around the outside of the round, otherwise flat, top.

Confederate regulations called for the color of a kepi to match the wearer's branch of service red for artillery, yellow for cavalry, dark blue for staff, and light blue for infantry. Most, though, were some shade of gray because of dye shortages. Officers added gold braid one strand denoted a lieutenant, two a captain, three a field officer and four a general.

The Hardee hat, a stiff, high-crowned, wide-brimmed style that was the official dress hat for union officers and enlisted men, was universally disliked. Union soldiers modified it or discarded it for headgear more to their liking, usually choosing kepis or forage caps.

Some units became known for their distinctive headgear. Wisconsin's "Black Hat Brigade" was so named for the color of headgear all of its members wore. Zouave units wore a wide variety of tasseled turbans and other exotic hats. The 79th New York, called the Cameron Highlanders wore the style of cap called the glengarry for dress occasions and at the start of the war when they marched from New York into Washington. In battle however, they wore the chausser style kepi with the small New York State seal button on the side. While their fellow Scotsmen in the 12th Illinois wore tam-o'-shanters.

One additional item given to Civil War soldiers on both sides was the havelock, a cap cover made popular by Sir Henry Havelock of the British army in the Sepoy Rebellion in India in 1857. Made of white linen or cotton, the havelock was to be worn over the soldier's cap with its long tail covering the man's neck. The havelock was supposed to protect men who were fighting in hot climates from sunstroke. But the soldiers found the havelock actually made them hotter by not allowing air to circulate around their head and neck. Many Civil War soldiers used their havelocks not as cap covers, but as coffee strainers, dishcloths, or gun patches.

If the Union or Confederate soldier was not a horse-mounted cavalryman or officer, he was a foot soldier. Throughout the war, these men marched long and hard, sometimes up to 30 or 40 miles a day. As a result, shoes became sorely needed by both sides.

The Union, backed by its industrial strength and factories, had the benefit of the sewing machine, a newly perfected invention that enabled thousands of Northern shoemakers to leave their benches and become soldiers. But the Confederacy fared far worse it was extremely low on shoes. Worse still, corruption existed in some Confederate commissaries, where quartermasters shorted the soldiers and profits were pocketed.

There are many accounts of Rebels marching for miles barefoot during the winter. Ill-fitting shoes were also a problem, and carefully guarded shoe shops, situated close to brigade headquarters, were established to repair footwear. Often, Rebel foot soldiers with no shoes or poorly fitted ones were organized into separate commands to march apart from the rest of the troops on the soft grassy roadsides.

The men preferred shoes with broad bottoms and big, flat heels, instead of boots, which were heavy, twisted the ankles, and were difficult to put on and remove especially when wet. Shoes and boots were so valuable that special missions were made to procure them. They were even pulled from the feet of dead men on the bloodstained battlefields and were used by prisoners to barter for supplies such as food or tobacco.


World War II Respirators and Equipment

The interwar years had provided Britain with a chance to improve further its respirator designs and to train its forces in the disciplines of anti-gas drills. Although chemical warfare had been banned by the Treaty of Versailles, by 1938 the British Government had started to prepare for the worst. The Munich crisis had clearly demonstrated Germany&rsquos disregard for the Treaty, so the threat of gas being used once again on the battlefield became a very real possibility. As such, the development work at Porton Down was stepped up and the production of respirators was increased.

The same started to happen with the other countries of the British Empire. In the previous years, Britain had shared its anti-gas technology with the Commonwealth countries in an attempt to unify their standards. In 1927, both Australia and Canada sent teams to Porton Down to learn more about respirator manufacture and anti-gas equipment. The idea was for the Commonwealth countries to start manufacturing their own equipment, but to the same specs as the British. A lot of time was spent learning the same manufacturing and inspection methods, so that all new equipment would be identical and, if needs be, interchangeable. The Mk III GSR had by now been replaced by the Mk IV GSR and by the early 1930s Australia and Canada were both manufacturing identical copies of the British Mk IV GSR. To begin with, Britain supplied Australia with components that would be assembled into finished respirators. By 1937, Australia was able to produce all but two of the components, with only the laminated splinterless glass and the activated charcoal being supplied by Britain.

The Mk IV GSR was the standard-issue respirator carried by the BEF when war was declared in 1939. This particular example is dated 1938 and the filter container is painted in a brown/beige colour, quite typical of pre-war models.

It was predicted that Germany would use weapons similar to those used in the last war. However, unknown to Britain, Germany had happened across a far more deadly weapon &ndash organophosphorus agents, also known as nerve gases. In case of an attack, Britain had also developed its own chemical weapons, which included &lsquonitrogen Mustard Gas&rsquo, as well as perfecting the deployment of biological weapons such as anthrax. Fortunately, neither side used chemical weapons on the battlefield during the following war years.

The Mk IV General Service Respirator (GSR)

The Mk III GSR had helped to improve vastly the process of manufacturing moulded rubber facepieces. In 1926, it was replaced by the brand new Mk IV GSR, which would first see action in battle as the standard issue respirator of the British Expeditionary Force (BEF) in 1939.

Having originally been designed only for military use, the Mk IV GSR was quickly issued to specialist Civil Defence and Police units, with the threat of a gas attack looking ever more likely at the outbreak of World War II. Although heavier than the other civilian types being issued at the time, the Mk IV GSR would offer Police and Civil Defence wearers greater protection when their duties would require them to undertake strenuous or exhausting work in areas containing a higher concentration of gas for extended periods of time. The weight of the filter container was yet again alleviated by carrying it in a haversack in a similar fashion to that used by the SBR of World War I.

The respirator functioned in a similar fashion to the Mk III GSR, but with some significant improvements. As the user breathed in through the Mk IV GSR, air was drawn through the container, where all traces of war gas were removed by the filter container. This cleaned air then passed through a small metal valve in the neck of the filter container, travelled up the breather tube, then entered the facepiece at the bottom of the valve holder assembly. As the clean air entered the mask, the air stream divided into two and passed through moulded channels formed in the wall of the facepiece on either side of the valve holder. The two respective airflows were then directed over the eyepieces, therefore ensuring that the cool, dry, filtered air entering the mask was directed across the inside of the glass eyepieces, thus helping to prevent dimming due to condensation. As the wearer stopped breathing in, the small metal inlet valve in the neck of the container shut and locked a column of clean, fresh air in the breather tube. As the soldier breathed out, his breath passed freely through the outlet valve.

The speech diaphragm used in the Mk IV GSR was one of the main innovations that set it apart from the interwar Mk III GSR, allowing soldiers to speak whilst wearing the respirator. The ability to give audible commands on the battlefield during an attack was critical if a soldier was to carry on with his duties. Air is breathed in through the long breather hose and expelled through the green painted vent.

It was realized with the Mk III GSR that certain branches like the Royal Navy, Royal Air Force and the Royal Artillery found it easier to wear the haversack mounted on the hip rather than the chest. Wearing it at the normal Alert position on the chest usually hindered the performance of their duties. A proposal to produce a long-hose Mk IV GSR, called the Mk IVa, was accepted and wearing the haversack on the left hip thus required the longer tube. The corrugated rubber breather tube measured roughly 11in (230mm) in length on the standard Mk IV. The Mk IVa was fitted with a 31in (787mm) hose and is more commonly known as the Long-Hose Mk IV amongst collectors.

The overall designs were incredibly efficient and ensured that Mk IV GSRs would see service right the way through World War II and remain in service with certain branches until the 1950s. The design was also copied by companies such as J.E. Baxter and Siebe-Gorman, which both produced civilian and industrial versions for use outside of the military.

The Mk IV facepiece was covered as per the Mk III using a tancoloured stockinet cover to offer the rubber protection from cuts or damage. The facepiece was manufactured using moulded rubber to provide an airtight seal around the face, with some of the very early facepieces being manufactured from red rubber instead of the later black. Early versions of the Mk IV had permanently fixed lenses, which had green-painted eyepiece bezels. Models after 1930 featured screw-type bezels, with the splinterless triplex glass lens being held in between two thin rubber gaskets and secured by a threaded retaining ring. This meant that damaged lenses could be replaced easily.

Replacing damaged lenses was made easier by using screw bezel eyepieces. Here we can just see the edge of the orange rubber gasket behind the lens, which ensures that a fully gas-tight seal is maintained.

All respirators were stamped by their respective manufacturers once they had been fully tested and were ready for dispatch. The faint outline of the military &lsquobroad arrow&rsquo can be seen at the top left. The manufacturer&rsquos name, &lsquoL&BR Co.&rsquo, indicates that this respirator was produced by Leyland & Birmingham Rubber Company. This mask is Normal size and its batch, or Lot, number is also displayed, meaning that if any faults were found during service, the faulty batch could quickly be withdrawn from service to undergo remedial work.

The front of the Mk IV also featured a cast-aluminium valve holder, fixed in the front of the rubber facepiece. The valve holder contained the air-outlet valve that had been redesigned to reduce the resistance felt when breathing out in order to make the mask more comfortable to wear and work in. The valve holder assembly also incorporated a clever device known as a speech diaphragm that would allow the user to speak reasonably clearly when wearing the mask. This feature was deemed necessary by the Army Council, having known of the chaos caused by gas attacks in World War I and the necessity of being able to communicate clearly with the troops in order to maintain control and order.

Facepieces were produced in three sizes: Small Normal and Large. The size name was moulded inside the facepiece between the eyes and also stamped on the outer of the facepiece (under the chin), along with the production batch &lsquolot&rsquo serial numbers.

When first issued, there was a common difficulty with the Mk IV, in that it could not be comfortably worn by all troops. Those with unusual contours of the head near the temples, soldiers who wore spectacles, or signallers who required the use of radios or telephones all needed a special facepiece. For this reason, three types of facepieces started to be produced: the standard Mk IV the Mk IV Special T and the Mk IV Special T-Mic.

The Mk IV Special T was produced in two sizes (Large and Small) and featured depressions at the temples, which allowed it to be worn by soldiers who wore spectacles or those with unusual head shapes. Other than this it was identical to the standard Mk IV.

The new six-point head harness offered far greater stability and support when being worn. The elastics were fully adjustable via individual clips.

This view shows the inside of the moulded facepiece. Visible here are the rear of the eyepieces and the inboard side of the breather assembly. Each facepiece was fitted and checked on each soldier to ensure that a sufficient gas-tight seal was maintained.

The Mk IV Special T-Mic was similar to the standard Mk IV, but instead came in four sizes: Extra Small Small Large and Extra-Large. The T-Mic was specially developed to accommodate a radio microphone through the addition of a rubber boss positioned on the left-hand side of the facepiece. When not in use with a microphone, the mounting hole was plugged with a Bakelite cap held in place with a metal clip. The T-Mic could be used by both radio signallers and telephonists.

The production of three different types of facepiece was not very satisfactory, so Porton Down began trials in 1934 to find a single replacement, which would eventually be released as the Mk V. Both the Special T and Special T-Mic were produced in far fewer numbers, therefore are slightly rarer than the standard Mk IV GSR.

Fitting and Issuing of Respirators

To begin with, all soldiers were issued a Normal size respirator to try on. Before fitting, they would slacken off the head harness so that the ends were about 1in (25mm) away from the buckles. The respirator was then put on chin first, with the harness fitted around the back of the head. The elastics would then be tightened.

A trained instructor would then check the fit of the facepiece to each individual, ensuring that the eyes of the wearer appeared in the centre of each eyepiece, thus indicating a correct fit. If the eyes were lower than the centre of the eyepieces, the Normal size would be exchanged for a Small. If the eyes were much above, a Large would be issued.

This photograph, taken c.1934, shows two soldiers of a Vickers machine-gun crew wearing Mk IV GSR. Training in this manner ensured that (should the need arise) a soldier would not be fazed by having to carry out their normal duties whilst wearing their respirators. (Courtesy of Australian War Memorial)

The next stage was to test for gas-tightness around the face. The first basic check would be for the instructor to squeeze the breather tube whilst the soldier was wearing the respirator and then ask him to attempt to breathe in. If the facepiece was drawn into the face, a sufficient gas-tight seal had been achieved. Men would then be sent to test their masks in a tear-gas chamber as a final check that the respirator had been sized and fitted correctly.

After each respirator had been individually fitted to the wearer, the final check was for the wearer to test it inside a tear-gas chamber. As well as testing the tightness of the seal, the test also proves to the soldier that the respirator does actually work. This practice is still carried out by the British Army today as part of their chemical-warfare training. (Courtesy of Australian War Memorial)

During service, the most serious causes of damage were:

water entering the container and affecting its efficiency

damage to the outlet valve, which might allow direct entry of gas into the facepiece

damage to the rubber facepiece or the elastic head harness

twisting of the breather pipe causing kinks that restricted airflow. Occasionally the service depots would fit the containers in a hurry at the wrong angle, causing the pipe to twist.

Inspections of respirators were carried out at frequent intervals by officers to ensure that each soldier&rsquos kit remained in serviceable condition. Stretched head harnesses, cuts or damage to the facepiece would mean having to issue a new respirator. Cracks in eyepieces would not necessarily allow gas to enter the mask, but could obscure vision, so would need replacing. Small amounts of bubbling (caused by air entering between the triplex glass layers) were accepted so long as the air bubble did not obscure the soldier&rsquos vision during wear.

The Mk IV Special T-Mic was the first attempt by the military to integrate a radio microphone into a respirator design. The facepiece featured a rubber moulded boss of the correct diameter to fit a radio microphone. The design was so successful that the later Mk V service mask would incorporate this feature into its standard design. This example is dated 1940, although versions dating back to the early 1930s are known to exist and are highly sought after.

When not in use, the microphone boss was sealed using a Bakelite bung, held in place using a steel clip.

More serious damage would mean the respirator having to be sent away to the Royal Army Ordnance Corps (RAOC) depot for servicing. However, most minor repairs could be carried out at unit level. These included:

replacement of head harnesses

Resticking stockinet covers to the facepieces

replacement of inlet valves

replacement of whipcord on the haversacks.

Facepieces were expected to be cleaned regularly and properly decontaminated twice a year, or every time the respirator was sent for servicing or changed owner.

Many types of filter were used with the Mk IV GSR, although all worked to the same basic principles. Each filter container had blue asbestos filtering pads and the activated charcoal necessary to remove the poison gas. The activated charcoal was made from carbonized coal, wood or nutshell and treated using high-temperature steam. This was then further treated with chemicals specifically to target gases that could penetrate further into the filter. The process for the improved activation of charcoal had been patented by Messrs Sutcliffe Speakman, based in Leigh, England.

As with earlier respirators, the container was connected to the rubber facepiece by a long corrugated rubber breather tube. The design ensured that the breather tube would not only remain flexible, but that the corrugated profile of the tube would also prevent twisting and collapse of the tube, which could cause disruption to the airflow when in use. The corrugated rubber tube, which connected the filter container to the facepiece, was secured at one end to the neck of the filter container and at the other to the bottom of the valve holder assembly using a retaining wire and tightly bound canvas tape, which was then sealed with adhesive. The main manufacturer was Barringer, Wallis & Manners, a biscuit-container manufacturing company of Mansfield, Nottinghamshire, which had produced containers for the World War I SBR.

Here again we see the manufacturer&rsquos stamp under the chin of the facepiece. This size is a Large T-Mic and displays the Lot Number 867.

The Mk IVa Long Hose GSR was developed for use by the Royal Navy, RAF and gunners of the Royal Artillery, whose duties could be hindered by wearing the respirator haversack high on the chest. The longer breather hose allowed the haversack to be worn on the hip.

The arrangement of the contents varied between each type and is denoted by the letter and mark of the container. The following is a list of the most commonly used types:

Type A Up until 1939, troops were trained on respirators using the Type A container, featuring a circular inlet valve on the base. This container was similar in style to the SBR filter and designed so that troops could be trained in tear-gas chambers.

Mk IV respirator fitted with an early pattern Type A filter. (Courtesy of the Museum of Technology)

Training diagram from 1938 showing the components of the Mk IV respirator fitted with a Type A filter. A basic understanding of how the respirator functioned helped not only to give soldiers confidence in their kit, but also an understanding of how the respirator needed to be looked after. (Courtesy of David Morse)

This diagram shows the contents of the Type A container. Air enters the filter through an inlet valve in the container bottom, very similar in style to the early SBR filters.

This diagram shows the contents of the Type D container. Air enters the filter this time through two inlet valves in the top of the container. This design was an attempt to improve and extend the service life of the filter by exposing a larger portion of the activated charcoal to the war gases entering the filter.

Type D The Type D container had two inlet valves at the top. It was painted overall black with a distinguishing band of grey adhesive tape that sealed the top of the container to the body. Mk IV respirators with this container were originally issued with the World War I-style Mk I haversack. The wire platform in the haversack had to be removed to accommodate the container due to its length.

Type E The Type E container was basically an oval tin with an outlet tube at the top, with two inlet vents cut into one side close to the bottom of the container. Each inlet valve led directly into one diaphragm, containing two asbestos fibre pads in each one. The air then travelled through these and into a single diaphragm through a layer of charcoal granules and then through the last single diaphragm and finally to the breather tube. The container was attached to the breather tube with wire tied by a machine in the early stages. In 1938, the design was improved by replacing the wire with a clip that had a screw-fixed ring, which made replacement of the container easier in the field. On the base of the container was stamped the manufacturer, date of manufacture and also &lsquoNo.4A&rsquo, which referred to the metal container style rather than the contents within it.

Type E Mk IV The Type E then proceeded to go through a series of subtle design improvements denoted by a mark number stamped on each container. The mark depended on the grade of the container&rsquos contents. There are some examples of Type E containers with the date on the top section being later than the date on the base, which demonstrates that the date on the canister does not necessarily mean that is the filling date. There are also early issue No.4 containers of a buff colour dated 1939, with a paint-stamped date or a black line painted near the top of the canister.

Type E Mk IV container painted in early war beige paint. The Type E design was the one most commonly issued to troops during World War II. The filter container was ribbed to give it greater strength. The air inlet slits are located on the container sides to allow air to pass evenly over the filter elements.

Typical markings of a Type E filter container. This variant is the Mk IV and is clearly stamped with its date of manufacture, 1938. Most containers were produced by Barringer, Wallis & Manners Ltd of Mansfield, which also produced the filter containers for the SBR during World War I. Later versions were simply stamped with the company&rsquos initials, BW&M Ltd.

This diagram shows the contents of the Type E container. Air enters the filter this time through side cut-outs near the base of the container. War gases are first filtered through blue asbestos pad filters and then through a dense activated charcoal mix. This style of filter was very successful and despite being modified, the filter layout remained the same across all the Type E variants.

Type EA Extension Filter In October 1939, Porton Down discovered that a captured German Army respirator provided up to ten times more protection against arsine smokes (arseniuretted hydrogen) than the Type E Mk IV container. Porton Down had not predicted the need for such a level of protection, as it had so far been unable to devise a method of deploying arsine gas on the battlefield in an effective manner, therefore assumed that the Germans could not do so either. It did, however, discover the problem in time before the BEF went to France in 1939 and so, to mitigate any risk, designed an extension piece for the respirator, known as the 1939 pattern Type EA. The additional filter container looked like an extra segment of the Type E IV and was designed to work in series with the basic E IV container. It was a priority order to begin production on 9 October 1939. The first batches went to troops already in the field and had to be applied as a local modification. To do this, the breather tube was cut between two central corrugations, with the ends pushed over the necks of the EA filter and secured at the top and bottom using steel wire.

However, it was soon discovered that for all the extra protection offered, the added filter created too many problems to continue as the standard for future models. For one, the haversack had to be worn lower to accommodate the extra length of hose, which caused the wearer difficulty when lying in the prone position. The extra length of the tube also caused the facepiece of the respirator to fall off when bending down and there was considerable increased resistance to breathing. Trials in November 1939 showed that if the hose was cut shorter, the haversack could be worn at the Alert position better, but overall the respirator would still not sit properly in the haversack. The Type EA filter was luckily short-lived, as an improved Type E canister was already approved ready to go into production.

This Mk IV GSR has been fitted with an additional Type EA smoke filter. This retrofitted filter is thought to only have been issued to certain units within the BEF in 1939. These filters are extremely rare nowadays, as many were left behind in France with the evacuation from Dunkirk. The additional EA filters did not massively improve the overall performance of the respirator and so were abandoned after only a short time in production.

Close-up of the additional EA smoke filter. The filter contains extra activated charcoal and an additional layer of cellulose wadding in order further to filter out arsine smokes. The increased resistance to breathing did not make them popular with the few units issued with them.

This Type E Mk V filter can be clearly identified by its light blue-grey paint. The design removed the need to fit the temporary Type EA filter. This example is dated 31 March 1941 and is stamped on the side &lsquoFOR PROTECTION AGAINST WAR GASES AND ARSENICAL SMOKES&rsquo.

Type E Mk V To allow room for the extra charcoal granules required for additional protection, the canister was made larger than the Mk IV, yet could still fit into the existing haversack. The Mk V was distinguishable by its size and new colour of light blue-grey. To indicate the reinforced protection, the words &lsquoFOR PROTECTION AGAINST WAR GASES AND ARSENICAL SMOKES&rsquo were stamped on the container. January 1940 saw all previous containers removed from service and replaced with the Type E Mk V. Although better, the new container was still not reliable against arsine gases what was needed was a canister that would give complete protection. This was provided by the final version, the Mk VI.

Type E Mk VI Identical in shape to the Type E Mk IV and only distinguishable by the new colour, brick red, the new Mk VI was brought into service in March 1940 and issued to all troops on the front line. In order to prevent the closure of the lower air-inlet slots as a result of a knock or blow, the Type E Mk VI container had a small bridge piece soldered over the inlet slot on the inside of the container to prevent it from being deformed. The Type E Mk VI remained in all theatres with no further development until the respirator was replaced by the Light Assault Respirator in 1943.

Here we see a sectionalized Type E Mk VI filter, painted in brick red and used for training purposes. The top level clearly shows the activated charcoal used to filter out the war gases. The base layer shows the blue asbestos sheets, the top two being contained within a metal diaphragm liner, where the air first enters the container. Dividing the two compartments is a layer of gauze and cellulose wool.

Shown here is a more unusual-looking Type F filter, a limited production experimental pattern filter, designed for protection against toxic smokes. All are pre-war dated, having only been manufactured between 1936&ndash8. Not issued en masse by the military, many made their way into civilian service hands following the introduction of the improved Type E filters. (Courtesy of Haydn Gate)

This diagram shows the experimental Type F filter&rsquos design. The idea was to increase airflow through the filter by incorporating a larger number of smaller inlet holes around the top and bottom of the filter container. Little is known about its contents and the design was not adopted en masse by the military.

Mk V Haversack

The new style of respirator now meant that the Mk I haversack was starting to show its age and was no longer suitable for the new General Service Respirators. Various trial patterns were created, resulting in a final design that would be known as the Mk V haversack. The Mk V was of a similar presentation to the Mk I, but had been redesigned to allow it to be worn in a number of different applications with little or no modification to its design. For the majority, the haversack would still be worn either &lsquoslung&rsquo over the shoulder when off duty, or mounted high on the chest in the Alert position.

The new design dispensed with the leather tab of the Mk I used to shorten the sling for the Alert position, instead opting for a sling with two sliding buckles and a small fabric tab with a brass eyelet at the centre of the sling. The sling could be extended to the desired length for the &lsquoslung&rsquo position and then left like this with no need to adjust the buckles again. When changing to the Alert position, the haversack was mounted high on the chest as with the Mk I, but this time the sling would stay its original length and be allowed to drop down the back of the soldier. The length of whipcord (another feature retained from the Mk I design) was then passed through the small brass hoop on the right-hand side of the haversack, up through the eyelet in the centre of the sling and tied to the similar brass hoop located on the left-hand side. When pulled tight, the long sling down the soldier&rsquos back was pulled taut, fully retaining the haversack in position.

As with the SBR during World War I, soldiers during the early part of World War II wore their haversacks high up on the chest in the Alert position. In this case, this Mk V haversack has been cleaned using Blanco equipment cleaner, although only certain types of cleaner were actually authorized.

This typical soldier of the BEF is wearing the kit and equipment issued in 1939. The position of the haversack helped to reduce restriction to movement and meant that the respirator could be deployed quickly.

The Mk V haversack was a much-needed replacement for the ageing Mk I haversack, which was not well suited to the new Mk IV GSR. The haversack now had an extra third pocket in which personal anti-gas kit could be stored. The strap shows the two brass sliding buckles and the central brass-eyeleted tab for emergency shortening. This would be attached to the small brass hook visible at the side of the haversack. Shown here are the typical contents carried by a BEF soldier in 1939.

Whether or not the haversack was cleaned to match the soldier&rsquos webbing usually depended on the officers or Company Sergeant Major in charge of each unit. In many cases, haversacks were left alone for fear of removing their waterproofing. Shown is a particular make of equipment cleaner produced by Pickering&rsquos Ltd. The container states that this particular brand has been authorized for use on respirator haversacks.

This particular respirator and anti-gas kit belonged to a Major Williams who went over to France with the BEF in 1939 and later served in Palestine. The haversack came complete with 1939-dated anti-gas eyeshields, Ointment No.2 and the extremely rare Ointment No.1. Also included, but not shown in the haversack, was a postcard (the front of which has Hebrew writing) stating that Williams (by 1942 a Lieutenant Colonel) had passed his gas chamber test on 10 February 1942. An interesting and well-travelled collection of items.

Of course, this mounting method was fine when preparing to go on duty, but what if a soldier needed to get from the &lsquoslung&rsquo position to the Alert position in a matter of seconds? Well, in this case, a small brass hook was provided that was attached to the point where the sling was attached to the corner of the haversack. Should a gas alarm be sounded, the sling was pulled down and the hook would engage the brass eyelet at the centre of the sling, a neat way of catering for both eventualities. Given the size of the filter and the extremely high degree of protection the respirator was designed to provide, this mounting arrangement offered the wearer the greatest possible freedom of movement.

Overall, the Mk V haversack had a greater internal volume in order to accommodate not only the GSR, but also the new personal anti-gas kit being developed, and so it featured an additional pocket inside. A small fabric tape sewn into the main compartment provided a facility to retain the newly issued anti-dimming outfit. The wire spring platform of the Mk I was fitted during trials of the new design, but was removed to reduce manufacturing time and cost with the introduction of the new Type E containers.

The Mk V was made from a waterproof canvas. To ensure that it would stay waterproof, haversacks would be regularly inspected for holes and that they were packed correctly. Restitching of haversacks could only be carried out by trained saddlers at the RAOC depot. If the haversack got dirty, cleaning was only permitted under special instruction. Haversacks could be cleaned using Mill Equipment Cleaner No.700 or Pickering&rsquos Equipment Cleaner, Khaki Green. These types of cleaner (known as &lsquoBlanco&rsquo) were employed in a similar fashion to the cleaners used on a soldier&rsquos webbing. Further treatment of the haversack would not only offer the canvas a greater degree of protection from the elements, but would also colour the haversack the same shade as the webbing, thus improving the uniformity of the soldier&rsquos kit. This was usually down to the discretion of each unit&rsquos officers and photographs of the BEF in 1939 show examples of both coated and uncoated haversacks. Scrubbing with water or cleaners other than those mentioned was forbidden, as it would remove the waterproofing of the haversack and also make it harder to decontaminate.

The Mk V General Service Respirator

The three separate facepieces of the Mk IV GSR were far from ideal &ndash a standard facepiece was required that could be issued en masse. Essentially, the three facepieces were combined in order to create the Mk V GSR. A microphone boss was incorporated into the standard design and the stockinet cover removed. The stockinet was removed for two reasons: firstly, it made the Mk V GSR easier and cheaper to manufacture in a wartime economy and, secondly, it made the respirator easier to decontaminate. Unfortunately, this means that it is harder to find clean examples of the Mk V respirator, as the facepieces are more easily damaged over time.

Because the size of the facepiece was more accommodating, the Mk V GSR was only produced in size Normal. This seems strange however, the Mk V would not directly replace the Mk IV GSR, but instead would serve in parallel with it. For this reason, it is quite probable that any extreme cases could carry on being issued with the older Mk IV GSR as a stopgap measure.

The Mk V GSR, shown here with the red-painted Type E Mk VI filter. Unlike the Mk IV, the Mk V did not have a stockinet-covered facepiece and was better designed for production in a war economy.

Close-up view of the outlet assembly, similar in style to that of the Mk IV GSR. The central screw could be removed in order to clean or replace the speech diaphragm.

The left-hand side of the Mk V GSR permanently incorporated the microphone boss of the Mk IV T-Mic into its design. The boss could simply be cut open to facilitate the fitting of a microphone if required, otherwise it would remain redundant.

The side of the facepiece is embossed with the production date and manufacturer&rsquos name. This example was made by Avon, January 1941.

The aluminium valve holder was again connected to the filter container via a corrugated rubber breather tube. The early production tubes had the same khaki stockinet cover as the Mk IVs, but from 1941 were removed and the masks were left as plain black rubber. As with the Mk IV GSR, a long-hose variant of the Mk V, known as the Mk Va, was also produced. Both came into service in 1940 and are commonly found fitted with the Type E Mk VI filter container painted in brick red.

The Type E container Mk VI painted in brick red. This type of filter is one of the most common to be used on GSRs during World War II. Many earlier Mk IV respirators were later refitted with this filter. The air-inlet slots are just visible at the side of the container.

This photograph shows the laboratory testing of GSRs in the search to improve the filter design. (Courtesy of Australian War Memorial)

Mk VI Haversack

By 1939, with another war with Germany looking ever more likely, more articles of anti-gas equipment had been developed. The Mk VI haversack was designed purely to accommodate all the additional personal anti-gas equipment (described later in this chapter) that needed storing with the respirator. Yet again, extra pockets were envisaged, although the exact number and their location was the source of much debate. Records from the National Archives describe how getting the Royal Navy, Army and the Royal Air Force to agree on a final design led to months of meetings and constant disagreement. All three did agree, however, that the additional pockets were most definitely required so as to store all of a soldier&rsquos anti-gas equipment in one place, whilst not hindering access to the respirator. A lot of the disagreement came from the fact that the Army used the standard GSRs, whereas the Navy and the RAF tended to opt for the Long Hose variants, allowing the haversack to be worn on the hip.

Fitting respirator facepieces with the six-point head harnesses. The harness was held in place by small aluminium rivets. (Courtesy of Australian War Memorial)

These ladies are decontaminating used respirators after a training exercise. Here we can see a mix of both Mk IVs and Mk Vs. Also visible (second from the left) is the facepiece of the rare interwar Mk III, which can be identified by the flutter valve protruding from the air-outlet assembly. (Courtesy of Australian War Memorial)

Rear view of the Mk VI haversack showing the additional external pockets added to the back. Other than this, the construction was very similar to that of the Mk V. The slightly wider pocket was used to store the anti-gas eyeshield and the thinner pocket was for the Anti-Gas Ointment tin. The depth of the pockets did mean that it was difficult to retrieve the tin, which had usually worked its way down to the bottom of the pocket.

The Long Hose variant of the Mk V respirator, called the Mk Va, was produced and issued in the same manner as the Mk IVa respirator. Many Mk Va GSRs were issued to anti-aircraft batteries back in Britain, which were being operated by women of the Auxiliary Territorial Service (ATS).

The initial proposal was simply to replace the internal pocket of the Mk V haversack with two external pockets. This idea was rejected by the Royal Navy and RAF, which required the internal pocket to store the long hose of the Mk Va respirator. Eventually a design was agreed upon whereby the internal pocket would be retained and the two additional pockets would be added to the outside of the haversack. The two pockets ran the whole length of the haversack, although it was discovered later that they were too deep for the Anti-Gas Ointment tin, which would get lost in the bottom of the pocket. The pockets had their own &lsquoflap&rsquo to close them, meaning that the respirator could be used without disturbing the other equipment. An idea was proposed to produce a series of pockets that could be restitched to convert the previous Mk V haversacks. However, it was soon discovered that it was more cost-effective simply to make haversacks from new, so the project was abandoned. The Mk V would stay in service in the Royal Navy for a little while longer, as ships&rsquo companies tended to have central stores of anti-gas equipment rather than individual issue. A modified version of the Mk V, called the Mk Va, was later issued, replacing the whipcord with a waist belt for wearing the haversack on the hip. The belt was made from the same canvas as the haversack and employed a belt buckle of the same design used on the 1937 soldiers&rsquo webbing. The belt simply clipped to the brass hoops employed originally on the whipcord. A similar arrangement was devised for the Mk VI and unsurprisingly became known as the Mk VIa. These haversack and waist-belt combinations were only used with the Long Hose Mk V GSR and hence mainly by the Navy and RAF.

Mk VII Haversack

The next haversack development came in late 1940 in the form of the Mk VII. The first year of the war had brought home the realities of mass production in a war economy, so a simplified version of the Mk VI haversack was required. The first change was to reduce the amount of metal used in its construction, as steel and brass were required for much more important uses. The sling became permanently attached to the haversack so as to remove the brass hooks, which were replaced with basic alloy steel rings. Although the sling remained roughly the same as the Mk VI, the Mk VII version did away with the brass eyelet and hooks used to shorten the sling. Likewise, the brass loops used for tying the whipcord around the body were replaced in favour of a small steel alloy &lsquowheel&rsquo, around which the whipcord could be wrapped. The whipcord was stowed in a small pouch on the left-hand side at the base of the haversack.

This ground crew Sergeant of the RAF is wearing a Long Hose Mk Va respirator, showing how the Mk VIa haversack was worn on the hip. For certain job roles, this arrangement was seen as a lot less restrictive than wearing the haversack mounted high on the chest like the Army.

The Long Hose featured a small brass hook halfway along its breather tube. This was designed to hook on to the brass buckle of the haversack, as shown.

The Mk VIa haversack was issued along with a waist belt, designed to hook on to the same loops used to hold the haversack on the chest when worn in the Alert position. The belt ensured that the haversack was kept into the soldier&rsquos side and did not flap about when running.

This Long Hose Mk Va respirator has been stowed in a Mk VII haversack. The filter container is in the left compartment, the facepiece in the right and the extra-long hose is partly stored in the front compartment. The pressed steel &lsquowheel&rsquo used to wrap the whipcord around is visible on the left-hand side. It can be seen that the external pockets that were on the Mk VI haversack have been relocated inside. An additional smaller pocket is also visible, used to store the round tin of the Mk VI Anti-Dimming Outfit, which was permanently attached to the haversack via a string.

As well as reducing the amount of metalwork, the Mk VII also used less canvas. It did this by opting for a stronger, thicker material that was rot-proof. The design was highly efficient, especially considering that less canvas had been used despite the width of the haversack increasing to accommodate Mk IV T-Mic and Mk V respirators fitted with radio microphones. The stiffer canvas helped the Mk VII to retain a much more rigid shape and was quickly favoured by many Non-Commissioned Officers (NCOs) for its more uniformed appearance. The pre-coloured canvas also eliminated the need for cleaning with Blanco.

The internal layout of the haversack was revised, now moving the pockets used for anti-gas equipment from the outside to the inside, thus eliminating the need for the additional flap as used by the Mk VI. The internal pocket of the Mk VI was retained, as it was useful for stowing the gas brassard when not in use. The problem with the anti-gas kit pockets being too deep on the Mk VI was also solved on the Mk VII by simply adding a length of stitching halfway down to stop the ointment tin from falling to the bottom of the pocket. Finally, the waist-belt arrangement used on the Mk VIa for the Long Hose Mk IVa and Mk Va respirators was withdrawn from service due to the removal of the brass hoops to which it connected. From this point onwards, personnel of the Royal Navy and Royal Air Force would instead use the whipcord to hold the haversack against the hip.

The Mk I, Mk II and Mk III Respirator, Anti-Gas, Light (or Lightweight Respirator)

Officially called the &lsquoRespirator, Anti-Gas, Light&rsquo, the Lightweight Respirator was intended to replace the GSR and become thenew standard issue to troops. The initial concept was proposedin 1938 and over the following years was developed by the team at Porton Down, initially being called the &lsquoSelf-Contained Respirator&rsquo, or &lsquoSpecial Service Respirator&rsquo. The design was originally intended only for issue to commando units, paratroopers and tank crews, with all other units retaining the GSR. As the war progressed, the demand for a lighter respirator not only became a requirement for specialist units, but also by all arms of the forces. Thus, when finally released, the respirator was issued to all troops. Over the years, this has led to some militaria dealers referring to them as &lsquoAirborne Respirators&rsquo, although this is strictly speaking incorrect as they were released as the new standard for all front-line troops at the same time, although priority of issue may well have been to airborne and commando units.

As its name suggests, the main improvement was that the respirator was a lot lighter in weight, eliminating the heavy Type E filter container of the GSRs. The new filter was a lot smaller, which did mean that its service life was reduced. However, the easy screw-on filter design meant that filter changes were quicker and easier to do in the field (the Mk IV and V respirators had to be sent away for periodic replacement). The filter container was also more waterproof than its predecessors, although full immersion would still destroy it.

The filtration arrangement used in the lightweight filter was different to its predecessor in order to make the container more compact. The filter contained activated charcoal, as per the GSR Type E containers, but, instead of asbestos, the new filter used resin-impregnated wool, which, according to the manual, &lsquofunctioned by means of an induced electrical charge on the resin&rsquo, in order to filter out potentially dangerous particles. Manufacturing these filters was more complicated than the previous filter, as the charcoal had to be both finer and activated to a higher spec to get more performance from its smaller volume. The resin-impregnated wool was also subject to a lot of testing, as the new material at first was too dense to breathe through.

The position of the filter was also changed, as the GSR hose was too restrictive and cumbersome for modern combat requirements. Therefore, the container position was relocated on the left-hand side of the respirator, giving a greater degree of freedom of movement and allowing the rifle to be fired from the right shoulder. Incoming air would therefore enter directly into the single chamber rather than around the exhale valve and up between the eyes, as with the previous respirators. Some left-handed prototype versions of the Lightweight are known to exist for those who found it easier firing the rifle left-handedly. They have the filter positioned on the right-hand side, but are extremely rare as they were not issued to troops, having failed to get past the development stages. Firing the rifle left-handedly was not something that the Army wished to advocate or encourage.

The Mk II Lightweight Respirator was a revolutionary design for the British Army, having done away with the long, heavy filter box of the GSR. The lightweight filter was deliberately positioned on the left-hand side to allow soldiers to fire the rifle from the right shoulder. Similarities can be seen between the Lightweight&rsquos facepiece and that of the previous Mk V GSR.

Here we have a closer view of the speech diaphragm housing, also known amongst collectors as the &lsquomuzzle&rsquo. The Mk II featured a recessed &lsquomuzzle&rsquo. The Mk I had a boss in the centre of this recess that was done away with after trialling so as to simplify the design. The original Mk I needed the central boss to accommodate the old Mk V GSR speech diaphragm. This Mk II contained the new L2 diaphragm developed for much clearer speech and requiring less space.

Most Mk II Lightweights have their final date stamp located under the chin of the facepiece, as shown. This example is dated 16 August 1944. A broad arrow in a circle can be seen above it. Note how the muzzle cover is sealed to the facepiece using tapes coated with a rubber solution.

The facepiece was made in two halves, fused together with the head harness buckles being riveted to the edges. The new elastic used in the head harnesses had more rigidity and was much stronger than previous types. The head harness straps were held together with a canvas pad to save on rubber, which was now harder to obtain due to the Japanese taking over many of the rubber plantations in the Far East. As well as the other improvements, a modified version of the outlet valve used on the Mk V respirator, this time with a thinner membrane, was incorporated into the respirator&rsquos design and helped to improve voice projection. Speech and visibility were tested by getting soldiers to read test cards into a microphone and measuring the sound levels. Once again, the eyepieces were the same as for the Mk V respirator and were made from laminated splinterless glass. Tests were also conducted to see whether the respirator could be worn in a variety of different scenarios, including being worn at night whilst driving.

The Mk I (also called the First Pattern or L1) was trialled in North Africa by selected units in 1942. These Mk I types can be identified by their outlet assembly (muzzle), which is the same as the Mk II (described later), but with a raised centre. These respirators are very rare and hardly ever appear for sale. Some final modifications were made to the Mk I prior to the Mk II being released for issue en masse. These were tested by completing 695 man-runs over an assault course in the presence of a lachrymator gas to test for leaks. The trial reports suggest that 11 per cent of minor leaks occurred during the test, but serious leaks were found in less than 1 per cent of the total man-runs. The British Mk V GSR and an American Light type respirator were also included in the trials for comparison. The British Lightweight Respirator was found to be superior to both, although on the grounds of comfort, the British Mk V GSR was favoured and the American Light type was the second choice.

The side of the respirator is embossed with the facepiece maker&rsquos name, as it was with the Mk V GSR. In this example, the facepiece is dated July 1943 and manufacture was by the Leyland & Birmingham Rubber Co., thus proving how the date of individual components does not necessarily tie up with the date that the actual respirator was finished.

View on the inside of the Mk II facepiece. The filter inlet port can be seen on the left-hand side. The outlet and rear of the speech diaphragm can be seen positioned straight in front of the wearer&rsquos mouth. Note also the yellow broad arrow stamp and the strengthening ribs moulded between the eyepieces.

As with the Mk V GSR, the Lightweight Respirator used a six-point head harness, although the design was again simplified for war production. The cloth pad at the rear was normally stamped with its own manufacture date.

The major breakthrough with the Lightweight was its new compact filter. Here we see two 1944-dated filters showing both the top (with the small inlet hole) and bottom (showing the thread that screws into the facepiece). Storage corks were issued with every filter and were to remain in place until ordered to be removed. These corks are often found to be missing today. Note the ribbon of the corks is stamped &lsquoJUN 44&rsquo and also shows a broad arrow.

This Lightweight filter has been partially cut away to show the contents. The whitecoloured, resin-impregnated wool of the filter makes up the first layer, followed by the finer-grain activated charcoal of the second layer. Both are separated using expanded metal gauze.

Minor modifications to improve comfort were made, leading to the Mk II (or L2) being announced on 27 March 1943 by the Army Council and shortly thereafter issued to all combat troops. Introduction was slow at first however, production numbers meant that this model was carried by all British troops landing on D-Day in June 1944. By the late summer of 1944, every soldier had been issued with a Lightweight Respirator. In rare occurrences, reports had come back from the field suggesting that the new rubber moulded facepiece could cause dermatitis for certain people with sensitive skin. The Army approached the various manufacturers to come up with a solution, with the result that a number of &lsquosafe&rsquo facepieces were created using a different rubber composition. These facepieces were only produced in very limited numbers and can be identified by the word &lsquoDERM&rsquo stamped inside the facepiece.

Lightweight filters were tested during development in order to establish what particles were capable of penetrating them. Reports suggest that, for unknown reasons, particles no smaller nor bigger than half a micron (0.0005 of a millimetre) penetrated the filter the most. After this was established, a range of gases was tested to see which had the most penetrating power. This original photograph of c.1943 shows a Mk II Lightweight respirator being tested under tropical conditions for use in the Pacific. (Courtesy of Australian War Memorial)

The Commonwealth countries also started producing their own versions of the respirator. The Australian Army even developed its own facepiece, similar in style to the British type, but camouflaged for use in the jungle. This was difficult to perfect at first, as colouring the rubber led to more problems with skin irritation when worn.

Here we see a Private of the 1st Batt Leicestershire Regiment in Holland, 1944. He is wearing the uniform and equipment typical of the unit at that time. The Lightweight Respirator&rsquos compact design allowed greater freedom of movement to soldiers later in the war than was previously experienced by soldiers using the early GSR.

Close-up of the Mk II respirator being worn. Once it was issued, each man would be given an extra red dog tag that would remain permanently attached to the muzzle of the respirator, in case the wearer was unlucky enough to be killed in a chemical attack. The dog tags were made from rubberized asbestos, designed to be fire-retardant.

Unlike previous haversacks, the lightweight haversack was designed with webbing clips, allowing it to be fixed to the belt of the soldier&rsquos webbing. The haversack was also provided with a shoulder strap so that it could be worn as per the previous haversacks.

The Mk II was eventually superseded by the Mk IIA and eventually the Mk III. The Mk IIA permanently took care of the dermatitis issue by employing a slightly different rubber composition and the Mk III saw the introduction of a new outlet assembly (or muzzle) design. The Mk III muzzle incorporated a screw thread on to the front of the breather and speech diaphragm, which was intended as a provision for use with a modified No.7 microphone. However, there is no evidence that the authors have found which suggests that such modified microphones were used on these respirators. Most manuals suggest that signallers in static positions retained the Mk IV T-Mic and Mk V respirators (permanently fitted with a microphone) and because the threat of gas use by the enemy after June 1944 seemed extremely unlikely, the War Department never developed microphones specifically for this respirator.

The Lightweight Respirator design was very innovative compared to the previous designs of respirator and, as such, was retained by the British Army long after the war had finished. In total, there were seven marks of Lightweight Respirator produced, each being a slight improvement on the previous one. It is very hard to tell individual types from each other, as the differences are extremely subtle. Because of its long service with British forces, it is also becoming very difficult to find fully original war-dated Lightweight Respirators. The main reason for this is that old marks of respirators were usually sent back to be upgraded and retrofitted with modern parts. Facepieces were designed to have an effective service life of fifteen years, so it is not uncommon to find 1944-dated facepieces fitted with 1950s-dated head harnesses and outlet assemblies. Some Mk II Lightweights during the war were also retrofitted with Mk III valve holders (usually stamped &lsquoL3&rsquo) with the mic thread attachment.

The Mk III respirator was a late war version introduced to incorporate a number of improvements to the design. The main difference from the Mk II is the new muzzle, incorporating a screw thread designed to accept a microphone.

Close-up view of the muzzle of the Mk III. The screw thread for accepting a microphone can be clearly seen, although evidence of the actual microphone attachment designed to be used on these respirators is unknown.

View inside the Mk III facepiece. The only noticeable difference that can be seen is the increased number of breather outlet holes in the rear of the speech diaphragm holder, designed to reduce exhalation resistance and improve the audibility of the wearer&rsquos speech.

View on the right-hand side of the facepiece showing the eyepieces. As with the Mk V GSR, the size is embossed in the facepiece, in this example, Normal.

To add even more confusion for the collector, many World War II original respirators were also sold in the 1950s to the Danish Government for its Civil Defence units. The Danish purchased a variety of surplus respirators from numerous countries as a cost-effective way of kitting out their Civil Defence units. Respirators and haversacks sold to the Danish can usually be identified, having been restamped with a Danish crown and the letters &lsquoC.F.&rsquo marked underneath them. The initials come from the Danish Civil Forsvaret, which literally translates as Civil Defence. Many of these masks are making their way back to Britain via militaria dealers, who are selling them as World War II respirators. In some cases, they are even sold with Danish filters fitted, or come with Danish user manuals.

During the 1960s, the Danish Government sought to kit out its Civil Defence units by buying surplus equipment at a reduced rate from other countries. Many wartime Lightweights were sold to the Danish and restamped with a red crown with the initials &lsquoC.F.&rsquo Many of these respirators are finding their way back to the UK via the collectors&rsquo market. Also shown here is a Danish user manual, describing the care and maintenance of the British Lightweight.

Technically speaking, the Lightweight Respirator was the last true gas mask, that is, a respirator solely developed for the removal of war gases. In the late 1960s, the new Service Respirator Mk 6, known more commonly as the SR6, replaced the Light-weight Respirator, which was subsequently withdrawn from service. Post-war tensions with the Soviet Union, plus the increased threat of nuclear attacks, called for a new type of respirator to be developed to cater not only for chemical weapons, but also nuclear and biological ones.

Lightweight Haversack

The reduced size of the Lightweight Respirator also meant that there were lots of opportunities to remove material, cost and production time from the haversack design. The new haversack (officially called the Light Mk II) was made from the same gauge canvas as the Mk VII haversack and was additionally treated to ensure that it remained rot-proof. The new design was a simple box-shaped haversack with two external pockets, just the right size to house the anti-gas ointment tin in one and a handful of cotton waste (used to soak up blister-gas liquid) in the other. Inside the haversack, a large flat pocket to house anti-gas eyeshields and gas brassards was included, as was a small pocket in the base of the haversack used to secure the small round Mk VI Anti-Dimming Outfit.

A thinner shoulder strap was provided with the haversack, as were a pair of brass loops that could have whipcord attached to them for tying the haversack close to the body (these were rarely used). A set of belt attachments was provided at the back of the haversack, allowing soldiers to mount the haversack directly on to their webbing belts. When this was done, the shoulder strap could be removed, rolled up and stowed in the bottom of the haversack using a small white strap with a press stud. The lid of the haversack was secured using a webbing pull tab with a brass end through a metal loop attached to the main body. Later editions used alloy metal in place of brass. The whole arrangement was very compact and efficient and would stay in use with the Army well into the post-war years.

Here we see the typical contents of a soldier&rsquos respirator haversack from 1944. As well as the respirator and filter, each haversack would contain: a packet of anti-gas eyeshields a Mk VI Anti-Dimming Outfit a blue tin of Anti-Gas Ointment No.5 and a handful of cotton waste. Filter storage corks were to be fitted at all times to prevent the filter from being damaged by water when not being worn.

View inside the lid/flap of the haversack showing the maker&rsquos stamps. This example is stamped with the haversack mark and the date of manufacture (January 1944).

View looking inside the haversack, fully packed but with the respirator and filter removed. Here we can see how the anti-gas eyeshields were stored at the back of the haversack in their dedicated pocket. In the base of the haversack, a small pocket was provided in which the Mk VI Anti-Dimming Outfit was stowed. A strap with a press stud was also provided and used to store the haversack&rsquos shoulder strap when not fitted.

The sides of the Lightweight haversack featured two pockets. One pocket would contain the first of the ointment tins issued per man (the other tin was stored in the gas cape pocket). The second pocket was used to store a handful of cotton waste used to soak up gas spray should it fall upon the soldier&rsquos skin, weapon or clothing.

Typical contents of a Lightweight haversack used in Burma in 1945. A dark-green version of the haversack, made from a rot-proof canvas, was specially produced for tropical climates. Also note the green tin of No.6 Anti-Gas Ointment marked &lsquoTropical Pack&rsquo, specifically developed for use in countries with higher ambient temperatures and humidity.

Other Anti-Gas Equipment (1939&ndash45)

In October 1937, the Chemical Defence Establishment Porton Down suggested that future warfare would see more use of blistering gases, being sprayed from overhead aircraft. At the time, little progression had been made in the way of producing better personal anti-gas equipment to protect ground forces. A blister-gas attack could potentially leave thousands of soldiers unable to carry out their normal activities and they would be in no fit state to fight. For this reason, each soldier by 1939 was issued with not only a respirator and haversack, but also the following items of anti-gas equipment: anti-gas eyeshields anti-gas cape gas sleeve detectors anti-gas ointment anti-dimming outfit and cotton waste. In addition, officers and NCOs would carry one pad of ground gas detectors (detector papers). Because eyeshields, gas capes and gas sleeve detectors were primarily issued to protect against blister agents released as spray from aircraft, they were encouraged to be worn habitually when in the field during the early part of the war.

Over time, these anti-gas items have become collectable, along with the respirators that they were used in conjunction with. The following section describes this World War II personal anti-gas equipment in more detail.

Having learnt from the experiences of Mustard Gas during World War I, a series of anti-gas ointments was developed to help protect soldiers from blistering gases. The idea behind the anti-gas ointment was to provide a compound that could be used by a soldier in two ways: either as a Preventative (applied in anticipation of an attack to offer protection) or as a Curative (applied to a burn to reduce burns and blistering). Like most blister-gas antidotes, it relied upon a strong alkaline content to neutralize the acidic gas. Not only could the ointment be used to protect human skin, it could also be applied to weapons and equipment in order to decontaminate them after an attack. For this reason, two anti-gas ointment tins were issued per man, one kept with the respirator in the haversack and the other in the anti-gas cape. Nearly all the tins are made by the Metal Box Co. (sometimes stamped &lsquoM.B.&rsquo, or the factory code, No.12) and the ointment was predominantly made by British Drug Houses consortium (sometimes stamped &lsquoB.D.H.&rsquo).

The following is a list of the most common types issued from1939&ndash45:

Anti-Gas Ointment No.1 This was the first type of ointment, supplied in a round 2oz (57g) tin with a paper label on the lid.

Anti-Gas Ointment No.1 was the first blister-gas ointment to be issued to the Army. Supplied in 2oz (57g) tins, it marked a milestone in personal anti-gas protection. It is believed only to have been manufactured during a few months prior to World War II, so tins like this are now extremely rare and highly collectable.

Believed to have been issued only for a limited time during 1939, the base ingredients of Anti-Gas Ointment No.1 started as a white mineral jelly and bleaching powder. Most of these tins were retained and disposed of by the Army, therefore are extremely rare.

Anti-Gas Ointment No.2 This type of ointment was the most popularly used during the war and could even be privately purchased by civilians in their local pharmacy. Initially supplied in glass jars (sometimes brown glass, sometimes white), but later supplied in flat rectangular tins containing eight lead tubes. This format would remain the standard for all later versions. Each tube and tin was painted a cream colour with &lsquoNo.2 Anti-Gas Ointment&rsquo written on it. The glass jars issued to the Army during the months prior to the start of the war carried on being issued to the Police and civilian organizations such as the ARP whilst the tins were issued in the armed forces.

The ointment consisted of a mixture of Chloramine-T and vanishing cream (an oil-in-water emulsion consisting of a stearic acid, an alkali, polyol and water). The date of filling is always stamped with ink on the inside of the lid. Some manufacturers of the compound mix included: Boots (Nottingham) the British Drug Houses (London) Co-operative Wholesale Society Drug Works (Manchester) Imperial Chemical Industries Ltd (London) and County Perfumery Co. Ltd (London), which incidentally created Brylcreem in 1928.

Anti-Gas Ointment No.3 No.3 Anti-Gas Ointment came in a grey tin. Tubes were no longer painted or labelled, but instead were plain for war economy, simply being produced with a name band on each tube stating that it contained No.3 Ointment. As well as this, the effectiveness of the ointment had been improved.

Anti-Gas Ointment No.3a The No.3a ointment came in a grey tin with &lsquoTROPICAL PACK&rsquo written diagonally across the front in red. The tubes were plain and not marked for this pack. This was the first ointment specifically developed for use in the tropics. Work with the Australian chemical warfare labs had revealed that the normal anti-gas ointment was no good under tropical conditions. This was because Mustard Gas was found to be at least four times as effective at climates greater than 32°C with a relative humidity greater than 80 per cent. At these temperatures, Mustard Gas burns could develop in a matter of seconds, rather than minutes. The chemical make-up of the paste appeared to be based on a captured Japanese ointment, although neither performed well when tested.

Anti-Gas Ointment No.5 There is little evidence showing that there was an Anti-Gas Ointment No.4 instead, the next issue was No.5. This was issued in blue tins, once again with unlabelled tubes. Half-tins containing four tubes rather than eight tubes do appear sometimes, although they are rare. The standard eight-tube tins were issued prior to the D-Day Landings in 1944.

Anti-Gas Ointment No.6 This ointment was issued in a green tin with plain tubes. It was made from mid to late 1944 onwards. Details of improvements are unknown.

Anti-Gas Ointment No.6a This came in a green tin and was used for tropical climates only. It was made from 1945 onwards. The pack was stamped &lsquoFOR TEMPORATE AND TROPICAL USE&rsquo in red lettering printed under the tin&rsquos identification text. The temperate and tropical contents were similar to those of the normal tubes, with the addition of another white mineral jelly that provided long periods of storage. Unlike Anti-Gas Ointment No.3a, No.6a was far more effective at treating burns in tropical climates. Many tins continued to be produced post-war for use in Burma and Malaya.

During the war years, numerous versions of anti-gas ointment were developed. This picture shows the main types. From left to right: Anti-Gas Ointment No.2 (round glass jar, yellow lid), pre-war Anti-Gas Ointment No.2 (yellow tin), 1939 Anti-Gas Ointment No.3 (grey tin), 1941 Anti-Gas Ointment No.3a (grey tin with &lsquoTropical Pack&rsquo stamped in red), 1942 Anti-Gas Ointment No.5 (blue tin), 1944 Anti-Gas Ointment No.6 (green tin), 1945 Anti-Gas Ointment No.6a Tropical (green tin with &lsquoTropical Pack&rsquo stamped in red), 1945.

Rear view of Anti-Gas Ointment No.2, showing the usage instructions. This text and explanatory diagram stayed consistent on all following variants.

This image shows how anti-gas ointment would be applied to a blister. This particular photograph was taken during the live testing of the No.2 Ointment during its trial stages and is being applied to a real Mustard Gas burn. (Courtesy of Australian War Memorial)

Although individual anti-gas ointment outfits were issued to each infantryman, other areas of the armed forces were issued with large stoneware jars filled with it. These tended to be issued to ships&rsquo companies, vehicle teams or gun crews. This particular example contained Anti-Gas Ointment No.5. (Courtesy of the Museum of Technology)

Cotton waste was issued in order to mop up blister-gas spray before applying anti-gas ointment. It is quite literally cotton thread, off bobbins or offcuts, and is a by-product of spinning-mill operations. Cotton waste was issued at 1oz (28g) per man to be broken up into small swabs. One half of the cotton waste was carried in the respirator haversack and the other half in the cape pocket. In each case, half the swab was placed under the ointment tin, with the remainder on top, ready for immediate use.

The problem of respirator lenses dimming during World War I had led to the development of Glasso Anti-Dimming Paste, an oil paste smeared over the lenses to prevent condensation buildup on the eyepieces. The main basis of most anti-dimming compounds was Turkey Red Oil, a sulphonated castor oil. In 1938, two new types of anti-dimming samples were tested by the Admiralty: Liquid (G1) and Paste (P1). G1was a brown, alcohol&ndashwater solution, which, according to the Admiralty report, consisted of soda-neutralized sulphonated fatty oil dispersed in a solvent. P1 consisted of a soft brown paste and was the same sulphonated oil, but made into a paste with alcohol.

Shown here is a variety of anti-dimming outfits. The bottom outfit is a Mk III produced by Barringer, Wallis and Manners Ltd, dated 1940. The two middle ones are both variants of the Mk V outfit (one dated 1936 and the other 1940), the most common type issued during the war. The top outfit is a Mk 7 dated 1952, which carried on being produced right the way through until the 1980s. The Mk 7 is included in this photo purely to demonstrate how little the design and style changed over fifty years of production.

The anti-dimming efficiency of each compound was tested using a machine that replicated human breathing by blowing an airstream, saturated with water at 25°C, on to one side of an eyepiece treated with the compound, with the other side of the glass lens being cooled to 8&ndash10°C. The results revealed that both gave satisfactory visibility for a period of one hour plus. The paste gave a slightly better performance, as it did not dry out so quickly. Various testing continued throughout the interwar years, but the Turkey Red Oil always yielded the best results, so was used as the basis for the anti-dimming outfits issued throughout the war. The compound was improved so that the Turkey Red Oil was mixed with an undiluted &lsquowater glass&rsquo, a name given to a compound containing sodium oxide and silica (silicon dioxide). Sulphuric acid was also added for neutralization to prevent the compound from corroding the metal rims of the respirator eyepieces. Many companies submitted their own compounds for testing and trialling with varying degrees of success, including Kleeneze Super Products Ltd.

One end of the tube would contain a plain white cleaning cloth and the other end would contain the anti-dimming compound, which was normally painted red for easy identification. Both ends were fitted with screw-on lids, fitted with a cork gasket to prevent the entry of moisture.

Shown here is the Mk VI Anti-Dimming Outfit, most commonly found on the inside of the Mk VII haversack via a length of cord attached to the lid. The haversack included an extra pocket specifically to contain the tin. The cloth this time had instructions printed on its face as well as on the outfit&rsquos lid. This particular example is dated 1942. These anti-dimming outfits were also used with the Lightweight Respirator and were stored in a pocket at the bottom of the haversack.

With the compound decided upon, the idea was to issue each respirator with an anti-dimming outfit that would be used to clean the respirator lenses every time the respirator was used or removed so that it was ready to wear on the next occasion. The anti-dimming outfit went through four marks (Mk III, Mk IV, Mk V and Mk VI) during the period of 1939&ndash45, although the main reason for this was more to do with changing the compound manufacturer rather than changes in the chemical mixture. The difference between each mark is not totally clear, as there are some Mk III Outfits that appear to be dated later than some of the later Mk V examples.

The Mk III, IV and V Outfits were all small green-coloured tubes with a screw lid at either end. One end of the tube contained the anti-dimming compound, while the other end contained a lint-free cloth used to apply the compound to the respirator eyepiece. These cylindrical tube types tended to be used with the Mk IV and V GSRs. The Mk VI Outfit, which instead of being cylindrical was a flat, round tin, contained a cloth that had been pre-treated with an alcohol solution. The eyepiece had to be wetted before the cloth was used. When not in use, the lid of the Mk VI tin had to be screwed down tight to prevent the cleaning solution from evaporating. The Mk VI Outfit was used predominantly with the Mk V GSR and the later Lightweight type.

Eyeshields were a simple plastic visor designed to protect the eyes from gas spray. Although overall the design stayed very similar over the course of the war, there were three subsequent types issued: Mk I Mk II and Mk III. The Gas Training 1942 manual states that eyeshields should be worn at all times along with sleeve detectors when not under cover and that one pack was issued to each man. Each pack contained six eyeshields, with three being clear and three being tinted. The Mk I shields came in a very basic light-brown cardboard packet simply displaying the item&rsquos name.

The Mk II packet was changed to include basic decontamination instructions and was printed left to right on the front, with the opening on the right of the packet. The Mk III had the same, but printed in the vertical orientation. The instructions for decontamination followed a common procedure known as &lsquoCOECDO&rsquo: Cotton waste, Ointment, Eyeshields, Clothing, Detectors and weapons and finally Ointment again.

Demonstrating how the anti-gas eyeshields were worn in the field. Early anti-gas training manuals recommended that troops should habitually wear the eyeshields when out in the open. Towards the end of the war, many troops had either discarded them, or left them in their haversack having never used them.

Mk II anti-gas eyeshields and their original cardboard container, dated 1942. Each packet contained six eyeshields, each packed in brown paper to prevent them from sticking to one another, usually caused by the protective oil used on the brow shield at the top.

The eyeshields were made of acetate and had a plain edge across the top, on to which a waxed fabric was glued along with two female press studs and an elasticated headband. To stop the waxed fabric from sticking, each eyeshield was separated from the next by brown paper. The acetate lenses on all marks have two male press studs at the top corner, for bending and fastening to the female on the fabric. Behind the acetate lens is a felt pad held in place with three staples. The headband came in two types &ndash one made from two sections of elastic joined together with a ring and an adjustment buckle on the right, while the other had a hook and eye fastening. Most headbands had the maker&rsquos initials and a number then a date printed in white on the left-hand section of elastic. Most eyeshields date from 1941 up until 1944 and many can be found with post-war paper inventory labels showing they were retained in service until the mid-1950s.

1944-dated packet of Mk III anti-gas eyeshields. The instructions for decontamination are printed on the front of the cardboard sleeve. The square paper label on the front of the packet is where the eyeshields have been reissued in 1953. The eyeshields did not have a specified shelf life, so were simply inspected periodically to ensure that they were still in serviceable condition.

A wooden rattle was issued to every platoon and every equivalent subunit HQ to warn everyone if gas was detected by a gas sentry. The gas sentry was a soldier specifically posted to check for gas around the platoon&rsquos camp or harbour point. It was a throwback to World War I and the position became fairly insignificant by 1944 as it was apparent that gas was not going to be used. Larger camps would be issued with hand-operated sirens, a continuous blast of which would be used to warn of a gas attack.

This 1939-dated example of an anti-gas rattle is typical of the style used during World War II. Unlike earlier versions, these rattles were a lot wider and were fitted with a metal panel to increase sound levels. Clean examples like this can still be found, although many were painted and used by football supporters post-war.

Anti-Gas Capes, Covers and Boots

Anti-gas capes were developed to provide protection against blister gases, with one being issued to each man. Early war types were brown, while later ones were green in colour. In an attack, the cape was capable of withstanding blister gas for up to forty-five minutes if left contaminated. The term anti-gas cape is rather misleading, as the actual design incorporated sleeves, allowing it to be worn as an overcoat on top of the soldier&rsquos kit. The cape was made from oilskin with press studs down the front and at the neck. Attached to the cape were two white tapes that would allow it to be rolled up in readiness, and, during the early war years, it was secured on the top of the soldier&rsquos webbing when not being worn.

This is the typical equipment worn by the BEF in 1939 when gas was considered a very likely threat. As the war progressed, the threat of gas seemed ever less likely, so the amount of anti-gas kit carried by each soldier was reduced to the bare essentials. This soldier is wearing his haversack with Mk IV respirator in the Alert position, gas cape worn rolled up on the top of his webbing and his anti-gas brassard. Note the white tapes used to hold the gas cape in place behind the head. This arrangement meant that the gas cape could be deployed in a matter of seconds if needed.

Close-up of the anti-gas cape resting on top of the soldier&rsquos webbing.

Soldier wearing the anti-gas cape, showing the large panel in the back, allowing it to be worn over the top of the soldier&rsquos webbing. A pocket in the front of the cape was used to store the second tin of anti-gas ointment issued.

Original photograph showing the full anti-gas suit being worn, including: anti-gas cape anti-gas boots and helmet cover. Notice that this soldier is wearing a Long Hose Mk IVa GSR fitted with the additional Type EA filter.

Anti-gas boots were designed to be worn as part of the anti-gas suit, along with the gas cape. These over-boots were very basic in design, made from rubber and worn over the top of the soldier&rsquos normal boots. They were very burdensome to wear and restricted movement.

Protective Dubbin No.1, produced by Carr & Day & Martin, was formulated to offer a soldier&rsquos ammo-boots protection against vesicant blister-gas spray.

Later in the war, the gas cape was rolled up and simply tied to the soldier&rsquos webbing belt. A pocket at the front of the cape was designed to hold the second tin of issued anti-gas ointment and a handful of cotton waste used to soak up blister-gas liquid. Two press studs were also fixed to the bottom edge of the cape, allowing it to be pinned back when marching. The use of oilskin to protect against blister gas was originally trialled during the latter years of World War I. The anti-gas cape of World War II was an improved oilskin, further impregnated with a chemical known by its codename &lsquoanti-verm&rsquo, which was specifically designed to help neutralize blister gas.

As well as the anti-gas cape, helmet covers made from a similar material were also issued, along with a pair of rubber over-boots. When worn together, the uniform was known as the &lsquoAnti-Gas Suit, Light&rsquo and was usually worn by gas sentries when on duty.

Anti-gas bags, also made from the same material as the gas cape, were issued to units and vehicle crews so that contaminated clothing could be bagged up and sent away for cleaning. Each bag was large enough to contain six complete Anti-Gas Suits, Light.

Wearing spectacles with the SBR of World War I was not so much of a problem due to its baggy facepiece, but it was much more difficult with the new respirator because of its moulded rubber facepiece. On 28 February 1938, a meeting was held in London to discuss the proposal for a new design of spectacles designed for wearing under a respirator. Attending this meeting were representatives from all branches of the armed services, including some ophthalmic specialists from each organization. It was decided that work on &lsquorespirator spectacles&rsquo should be carried out by the Chemical Defence Research Department at Porton Down in order to develop side-members of the frame that were flexible enough to be worn underneath the respirator facepiece. Trials were completed using a few handmade spectacle frames until a final design was decided upon. The trialling of frame side-members involved looking into the hardness and flexibility of various metal alloys that would be tough enough to withstand service in the field.

The final frame design was made from white metal with circular eyepieces and with the side-members being approximately 3in (76mm) long. The side-members were flattened along the length to fit closely to the side of the head and give a gas-tight seal where they passed out from the side of the facepiece. The earpieces were tubular and flexible to grip behind the ears. The nose bridge was made narrow, with the nose grips being made from one piece of white metal with elongated teardrop-shaped ends. The nose bridge would be stamped with the maker&rsquos name.

All tests were carried out with the new design of frame and side-members, using plain lenses, on Mk IV GSRs and it was found that soldiers were able to operate effectively in a gas environment. A design was eventually chosen and a bulk order placed, ensuring that the design would become the standard across the armed forces.

It was decided that four sizes of spectacles were needed to cover all extremes. A development designer by the name of Mr Newbold came up with a special measuring device that enabled medical officers to choose the correct size of frame for each individual soldier. It was estimated that about 200 of these measuring devices would be needed by all the services. Medical officers were kitted out with the necessary tools for the fitting and final adjustment of the frames. These consisted of two patterns of pliers used for minor adjustment of the frame to ensure comfort and a gas-tight fit on the individual.

By the end of 1938, most soldiers who required spectacles had been issued with two pairs one was worn and the other carried in a stout case. A slight change to the design of the side-members in December 1938 meant that one pair of the two issued would need exchanging. By 1939, the new spectacles had been issued en masse to all troops who required them. Some of the main manufacturers were: United Kingdom Optical Co. (London) Hadley Co. (Surrey) and M. Wiseman and Co. (London).

Here we see the standard-issue respirator glasses being worn. The glasses were made with flexible side-members, allowing the respirator to be easily worn over the top of them. It was not until the late 1960s that respirators were purposely made with fittings in them, allowing a set of prescription-corrective lenses to remain permanently mounted inside the respirator&rsquos facepiece.

Here we see the respirator glasses in their original issue case. The label inside the lid reads: &lsquoThis spectacle frame is designed for ordinary use and for use when wearing a respirator. When the respirator is fitted the spectacle sides are adjusted to the correct setting for the wearer&rsquos face. Care must be taken to keep the sides at the correct setting, otherwise gas may leak in when the respirator is worn. If in any doubt as to the fitting of the spectacles the matter should be reported to the medical officer.&rsquo

Gas Detection Methods

In order to give soldiers the best chances of survival, a series of gas-detection methods were developed to give an early warning to troops. The following were the most common types.

Officially known as &lsquoDetector, Gas, Individual, or sometimes referred to as &lsquosleeve detectors&rsquo, the gas brassard was worn on the arm and was made from a stiff brown paper coated in a chemical that would turn red if blister-gas spray landed on it. To begin with, two pairs were issued per man, one pair worn and the second pair to be carried in the respirator haversack. NCOs wore one detector only on the left arm, badges of rank on the right arm thereby remaining visible. The gas brassard was used throughout the war, but ceased to be worn habitually after D-Day as it hindered movement.

Gas brassards (sometime called &lsquosleeve detectors&rsquo) were issued two per man and one per NCO. They were held around the arm and additionally secured at the top of the sleeve using a loop of material that sat around the epaulette of the soldier&rsquos battledress jacket. The brown paper would show bright red spots if gas vapour was present in the air. When not in use, the brassard was stored in either the pocket of the GSR&rsquos haversack, or in the bottom of the Lightweight Respirator&rsquos haversack.

This is a Pocket Vapour Detector Kit, a tin containing an array of detector papers used to check liquids suspected of being blistering agents. These kits were issued during the early part of the war to gas sentries, men whose main responsibility was to keep watch for suspected gas attacks. The kit was also issued with a small pump, used to take vapour samples from the air.

All vehicle units in 1939 were issued with vehicle detector paint, normally yellow in colour but which would turn red if gas was present. A square was painted measuring roughly 18sq in (11,600sq mm), usually on the bonnet or a place where the 60 driver could see it. Some aircraft during the early part of the war also received a similar square patch on the wings. After being decontaminated, the painted square had to be cleaned off using paraffin before it could be repainted again. Each vehicle would normally carry a large container of bleaching powder (antigas ointment) that was used for decontamination.

These basic gas detectors were normally carried by unit transport and would be sited around areas where the unit had dug in. Obviously the logistics of this and the fast movement of front lines meant that they were abandoned pretty early in the war, although many did remain in use around larger permanent camps. The detectors were basically metal frames containing slots into which detector papers could be fitted. Two pads of detector papers were issued with every frame. Depending on the camp size, the frames would be positioned every 50&ndash80yd (46&ndash73m) and checked by the gas sentries at regular intervals.

To warn of areas contaminated with gas spray, warning signs were carried by unit transport when gas attacks were suspected. Gas warning signs were made from steel cut into triangular pieces and painted bright yellow. The word &lsquoGAS&rsquo was then written on the sign in red paint. Any area contaminated with spray would be cordoned off using rope and the signs would be placed 20yd (18m) away from the contaminated zone.

Gas detector papers were issued to NCOs and officers in addition to the gas brassards. These small booklets contained sheets of treated paper that would turn red if gas vapour was detected. These detector papers could be used by the individual, or slotted into metal unit gas detector frames and positioned around the perimeter of the camp. Each frame would then be periodically checked by the gas sentry on duty.

In the event that an area became contaminated, the chances are that troops would still need to pass through the area to get to their objectives. For this reason, the Army devised a series of anti-gas pathways. These were basically lightly oiled fabric walkways that could be laid down over contaminated ground.

Some of the best information sources about anti-gas equipment are the original training manuals from the period. The two main pamphlets issued during the war were Field Service Pocket Book No.8 (1939) and Gas Training (1942). Some post-war manuals from the early 1950s are also useful references, as they usually contain many of the lessons learnt during the war.

Every soldier would have undergone anti-gas training before serving overseas. As a reminder of this, each soldier was issued Army form &lsquoA2022&rsquo, which was sized so that it could be kept in the back of the soldier&rsquos &lsquoAB64&rsquo (a soldier&rsquos pay and service record book). A special anti-gas wallet was also made to protect the &lsquoAB64&rsquo, which was a crucial form of identification for each soldier and was always carried in the left breast pocket of the battledress jacket. The first side details the &lsquoCOECDO&rsquo procedure used for decontamination.

Having learnt many hard lessons during World War I, Britain pulled out all the stops in order to avoid similar situations from occurring during World War II. Despite the numerous types of anti-gas equipment developed by Britain, none ever saw use in anger on the battlefield. Despite chemical weapons not being used, the preparation, training and anti-gas equipment developed was not totally in vain. Post-war reports proved that Germany did indeed have a stockpile of chemical weapons that could have been deployed.

The exact reason why the enemy did not use chemical weapons during World War II is the source of much debate amongst historians, especially considering that the Nazis had shown such a disregard for humanity in other areas of the war. Chemical weapons had been banned at the Treaty of Versailles, although the Treaty had little relevance since by this time all its conditions had been broken. Adolf Hitler, himself a World War I soldier, had been wounded by gas, so some speculate that he may have been personally averse to its usage based on his own traumatic experience. However, the most logical theory is that the use of chemical weapons would not integrate well with the Blitzkrieg (Lightning War) tactics used by the German Army throughout the war. Chemical weapons are very unpredictable once deployed and the fast-moving fronts of World War II were a far cry from the stalemate of the trenches in World War I. Any ground contaminated with Mustard Gas, for example, would become impassable to the advancing Army as well as for the defenders.

Another theory is that because both the Allies and the Axis had made preparations for the use of chemical warfare, any advantage of using them was thwarted by the deterrent of a retaliatory attack from the opposing side. The bombing of Britain&rsquos cities during the Blitz, for example, had been quickly avenged and German cities would have been well within range for British bombers to have dropped chemical spray from the air. Another point to note is that Britain and Germany were both primed for the possible use of chemical weapons and thus had prepared their respective populations for it, too. The fact that every British soldier and civilian (adult or child), had been issued with a respirator and was fully trained in its use could also have acted as a deterrent. After all, there was little point in launching a gas attack when the majority of the population or military forces would more than likely survive it.

The second side of Army form &lsquoA2022&rsquo details the alarm signals to be given in the event of a gas attack.

Even after victory was declared in 1945, the fear of chemical weapons continued for years afterwards into the Cold War years. The dropping of the atom bomb and the development of nerve gases lead to the ambiguous term &lsquogas warfare&rsquo being renamed Nuclear, Biological and Chemical Warfare (NBC). This heralded the introduction of a new series of equipment, designed to cope with multiple threats. The British Army still undertakes training in this field today, known more commonly nowadays as Chemical, Biological, Radiological and Nuclear (CBRN) training. Interestingly enough, the diversity of post-war NBC/CBRN kit also has its own following of collectors &ndash an area that has already started to attract quite a following.


History

World War II

Recruited by Captain America

The soldiers are rescued by Captain AmericaSteve Rogers

The Howling Commandos were formed during World War II out from various P.O.W.s after they were rescued by Captain America. The new unit, led by Rogers and Bucky Barnes, traveled around Western Europe to eliminate every HYDRA base they could find. Their operations were some of the most successful of the entire war. Ώ]

HYDRA Raids

The Howling Commandos were responsible for the capture of Arnim Zola during a raid on a train in the Alps. It was on this mission that Bucky Barnes was lost and presumed dead.

They also participated in attacking Johann Schmidt's last base along with other U.S. forces led by Colonel Chester Phillips. The battle was eventually won. However, despite Schmidt's apparent death and foiled plans, Captain America was missing in action after crashing Schmidt's plane to save the mainland United States. Ώ]

After Captain America was lost over the Arctic Ocean, the Howling Commandos assisted the Seventh Army during Operation Undertone. ΐ]

Dum Dum Dugan and Jim Morita were sent to Austria with Strategic Scientific Reserve agent Peggy Carter to take possession of artifacts at the last known HYDRA Facility located there. They captured HYDRA General Werner Reinhardt, his troops and an Obelisk classified as an 0-8-4. Α]

On V-E Day, the Commandos assembled in London and mourned the loss of Captain America. Ώ]

Post-War

The Commandos team up with Peggy Carter

Following World War II the Commandos served as a tactical team for the 107th Infantry Regiment. Some members eventually abandoned the unit but new recruits came. Β] In 1946, the Howling Commandos were called by Peggy Carter to help her, SSR agent Jack Thompson, and his team in infiltrating a Leviathan base camp in Belarus. They met Carter and the team and escorted them to Belarus. Infiltrating the facility, they discovered various methods of dispensing subliminal messages. They encountered a little girl supposedly left behind, and Dum Dum Dugan went to comfort her, only to be non-fatally stabbed by the girl, who quickly shot and killed Junior Juniper before escaping.

Going deeper into the facility, the team found the scientists Nikola and Ivchenko. Freeing them, they ran into an ambush where Nikola tried to use Happy Sam Sawyer as a hostage. Ivchenko killed Nikola, allowing the Commandos and Carter's team to escape.

The Howling Commandos said goodbye to Carter and her team, with Dugan giving Ivchenko his bottle of bourbon. Γ]

Exhibit

The Howling Commandos' exhibit

The Smithsonian Institution in Washington, D.C. created an exhibit which featured Captain America with the original Howling Commandos. After his battle with and rescue of Captain America, ΐ] Bucky Barnes went to see the display, which reminded him of his past. Δ]


Charlie Company Vietnam 1966-1972

US Infantrymen (grunts) carried either a rifle (M-16), or a machine gun (M-60, belt fed), or an M-79 grenade launcher. If the grunt was a radio operator (RTO-Radio Telephone Operator) he also carried a radio ON HIS BACK.

Medics, (whom may or may not have been authorized to carry arms, usually carried an M-16 or a .45 pistol).

Straight leg infantry (grunts) were issued back packs (RUCK sacks) with round edged aluminum frames. Airmobile and Airborne grunts could be issued those packs too. Mechanized Infantrymen were not issued RUCK sacks or bayonets, if they were they were turned in later in the war.

All straight leg grunts carried an average of about 6 (1 qt) green plastic canteens attached to their rucks and at least 1 metal canteen cup which was used for either heating food or water. Straight leggers also carried 3 to 6 or more hand grenades and a maybe a bayonet. Plus 100 or 200 rounds of machinegun ammo, and two to four bandoliers of M-16 ammo (seven M-16 magazine pockets to the bandolier, each magazine normally loaded with only 18 rounds of 5.56mm capacity was 20 rounds, but to preserve the magazine’s spring it was compressed with only18 rounds). All of these items were carried in the extreme humidity, thru knee deep mud, and up jungle strewn hill tops.

Straight leg (called light infantry today) infantry carried everything they owned in their rucksacks.

Most straight leg grunts carried maybe 5 to 10 canteens of water (1 qt bottles), 3 to 5 frags (hand grenades), 1 or more smoke grenades, a bandolier of M60 ammo for the machine gunner, 3 or more M16 bandoliers (7 magazine pouches per bandolier-20 round magazines), 2 or 3 C-Ration meals, possibly a claymore mine with its clacker and wire (50 footer), possibly some trip flares for NDPs (night defensive positions), a poncho, a poncho liner, an air mattress, 10-20 empty sandbags…his steel pot (M1 helmet) and an extra pair of socks or two didn’t weigh nothing…cigarettes were in his pockets and helmet band, as was his lighter or matches…of all of that material…it was the water that weighed the most.

In the above described case the poor M-60 machine gunners and the RTOs had extra weight to carry (Machine gun and Radio).

Average weight carried by infantrymen in Vietnam was (+-) 85 pounds. Numbers below.

Additionally a fire team shared equipment to include a full sized shovel, a full sized pick (maybe), starlight scope, LAW and radio batteries, for about another 7 lb.

Charlie Company humped that load 7 days a week on a yearlong back packing trip in very rugged country. We did not wear flak jackets because of the heat and heavy load. I believe most if not all Army light infantry units carried the same load in the same conditions of high heat and humidity.

I was there.

There was no average number you carried everything you could carry. 15 loaded mags were standard. If we were shaky we carried two bandoliers. That was besides the 6 mags in pouches. If you had to make a choice between food and ammo you took ammo. The machine gunner carried two or three belts and everyone else in the squad carried an extra belt. There was a reason they called us “Grunts”.


Answering the Call: The Personal Equipment of a Civil War Soldier

Union Soldier in full field gear. Image Courtesy of the Center of Military History.

The Union Army in the Civil War had a distinct advantage over the Confederacy when it came to equipment. The North had more factories to produce supplies, more people to work in the factories, and more railroads to deliver the supplies to the Soldiers. In the end, the North’s industrial might played an important factor in the Confederate defeat.

For a Soldier, equipment is a matter of survival. Even something as simple as a button can make the difference between victory and defeat if it fails to function properly at the wrong time. For this reason Soldiers have a strong tendency to become attached to equipment they like, and to modify or discard equipment they find unreliable or useless. Among the Infantry, who have to carry their equipment wherever they go, this tendency is even stronger.

Soldiers must carry everything they need for combat operations with them at all times. Individual load carrying equipment is designed to allow the Soldier to carry a basic load of ammunition, food, water, and first-aid gear. The exact make-up of this load varies from conflict to conflict. In more modern times the load has grown to include additional equipment such as gas masks, maps, compasses, and radios. Civil War Soldiers carried enough ammunition to fire about 60 shots into battle. Today Soldiers carry hundreds of rounds of ammunition.

At the beginning of the Civil War each regiment was raised, trained, and equipped by the state of origin, leading to a great deal of variation in equipment and uniforms. As the war progressed, uniforms and equipment became more standardized in order to simplify the process of resupply.

Every Union Infantryman wore a belt set with a cartridge box and sling, cap box, and bayonet scabbard. The leather cartridge box held forty cartridges, paper tubes filled with a Minie ball and black powder issued in small packs of ten. The cartridge box, with a removable liner made of tin that kept cartridges in order, was the safest way to protect the cartridges from sparks that could set off an explosion. Each cartridge box also had a small pouch for a cleaning kit. Union Soldiers carried sixty to eighty rounds of ammunition. Extra cartridges that did not fit into the cartridge box were carried in pockets or a knapsack. The cap box, a small leather pouch worn on the front of the belt, held percussion caps, which had to be handled carefully because they were also very explosive. Soldiers carried a bayonet in a black leather scabbard on their left hip.

Union cavalrymen wore a belt set designed to accommodate equipment used by the mounted Soldier. The cavalry belt included a cartridge box for carbine cartridges, a cap box, pistol holster, and had special straps and hooks that clipped onto the cavalry saber. Artillerymen did not wear belt sets except for special ceremonies or if they were in special units called heavy artillery regiments. Many heavy artillery regiments served as Infantrymen in the latter part of the war.

Pictured are the accoutrements and equipment used by the U.S. Army during the first two year of the Civil War. The items shown are (left to right): the P1855 two-bag knapsack with original period blanket the Pattern 1851 infantry equipment belt with oval “U.S.” belt plate (see detail), scabbard for the M1855 Socket Bayonet (early war production with two rivets), and cap pouch the P1861, .58 Caliber Rifle-Musket Cartridge Box with tanned leather shoulder sling, brass oval “U.S.” box plate and round brass eagle breast plate P1851 haversack and pattern 1858 canteen, with tinned iron cup.

Union Soldiers carried their personal belongings on their backs in a knapsack made of cotton cloth or canvas and painted black to repel water. Called the “Soldier’s trunk” it was large enough to hold a Soldier’s extra clothing, personal items, a gum blanket and shelter half (or “dog tent”) with a rolled-up blanket or overcoat strapped on top. Union Soldiers were also issued a haversack made of painted canvas and with a removable cotton liner to carry food. Worn over the shoulder, haversacks were handy for carrying rations of pork, hardtack, coffee, personal items, and extra ammunition. After several weeks loaded with salt pork and other food, haversacks tended to became foul-smelling and saturated with grease, but the liner was easily removed for washing or replacement. Union haversacks were superior, and prized by Confederates Soldiers.

Union canteens were also superior to most Confederate-made canteens. The body of the canteen was made of two pieces of tin with a pewter spout and cork carried over the shoulder on a leather or cloth strap. The body of the canteen was covered with a cotton and wool cloth which, when wet, would help keep the water cool. Early canteens were flimsy and easily dented or crushed.

Every Soldier carried a tin cup or boiler for their coffee, a metal plate, knife, fork, and spoon. Some carried small frying pans or half of an old canteen for cooking their salt pork and hardtack.

As with everything else, a large variety of small arms were used by U.S. soldiers during the Civil War, including a large number of obsolete weapons, both in their original configuration and modernized versions, and a variety of weapons imported from Europe. Most Soldiers carried a muzzle loaded rifle-musket that fired a bullet called a Minie ball, which had a slightly smaller diameter than the bore of the rifle barrel to allow rapid loading. Upon firing, the hollow base of the Minie ball expanded to engage the rifling grooves. Because of this innovation the rifle-musket combined the quick reloading capacity of the musket with the superior accuracy of the rifle.

The Cavalry used carbine rifles. The short, easy to load weapons were more practical for mounted troops than the longer, heavier rifle-muskets. Three carbines in particular were widely used: the Sharps, which fired a .54 Caliber paper combustible cartridge or could be loaded with a bullet and loose powder the Spencer, with a magazine that held seven .56 caliber metallic cartridges in a tube in the butt stock and the Burnside, which used a unique tapered .54 Caliber metallic cartridge fired with a standard percussion cap.

M1861 Rifle-Musket

Both Cavalry and Light Artillery used cap-and-ball revolvers. Loading a cap-and-ball revolver involved placing a percussion cap on one end of the chamber and pouring loose powder in the other end followed by a bullet. Most revolvers were six-shooters, and could provide rapid fire until they needed reloading. Some revolvers like the Remington could be reloaded by quickly switching out the empty cylinder for a spare.

With a full cartridge box, three days of rations, rifle-musket, and extra clothing, the typical Soldier’s load weighed about fifty pounds. Soldiers quickly learned what they did and did not need and would lighten their burdens over time. Soldiers on the march left roadways littered with cast off overcoats, blankets, extra clothing, and tents. Quartermaster wagons followed the troops to scoop up discarded items which would be cleaned and re-issued when needed. Often troops were ordered to move in “light marching order”. Leaving their knapsacks behind in wagons, the men wrapped their blankets and gum blankets into a roll with personal items and slung the roll over their shoulder.

Thus equipped, the Civil War Soldier was prepared for whatever the day brought them, whether marching, training, or fighting a pitched battle.

Article and images adapted from:
“Survey of U.S. Army Uniforms, Weapons and Accoutrements”, Courtesy of the U.S. Army Center of Military History: http://www.history.army.mil/html/museums/uniforms/survey_uwa.pdf
Research Intern: Jose Feliciano

Mailing Address:
P.O. Box 839,
Carlisle, PA 17013

Physical Address (Parcel):
950 Soldiers Drive,
Carlisle, PA 17013


The Personal Kit of a British Soldier at the Start of the Asia-Pacific War - History

William, Ernest and Horace Clark all fought in the Great War, but only Neil's grandfather Horace survived.

Horace lived with Neil and his parents in the family home in Middlesbrough, but he never spoke about the war - the memories were too much to bear - and he died in 1977.

So Neil has had to piece together his family's role in the Great War himself - a daunting task bearing in mind that most World War I military service records were destroyed by World War II bombing.

"The death roll for William Clark is where this all started. A couple of months ago this was all I knew about my great-uncle.

In the days leading up to the commemorative march, he has been sifting through the Commonwealth War Graves Commission website, census records and old family photos. He has also visited his grandfather's grave, which to his great surprise, mentions his great uncles Ernest and William.

William's service number indicates he joined up before 1914, as a part-time soldier in the 1st/5th Battalion of the Durham Light Infantry. He was a stretcher-bearer and was killed on 17th September 1916, aged 27. His brother Ernest had died in January of that year.

Neil has also been getting his reproduction uniform and kit ready for the five-day march, undaunted by the prospect of living the life of a Great War soldier.

"It's a chance in a lifetime. I think these sort of things are worthwhile doing because the number of veterans are becoming fewer and fewer," he said.

"For me it's less about the politics [of war], more about the sacrifice of those people who were swept up in it. It makes me realise how lucky I was to have been born. My grandfather survived, and so I am here."

The route follows roughly the front line of 1 July 1916. At each halt, Neil will help set up a 1916 Living History camp which will be open to the public in the afternoon.


The Canadian Great War Soldier

Canadian soldiers returning from Vimy Ridge in France, May, 1917. Image courtesy of W.I. Castle/ Canadian Department of National Defence/Library and Archives Canada/ PA-001332. Members of the No. 2 Construction Battalion during the First World War. Photo circa 1916-1918, Amber Valley, Alberta. A pencil sketch of Major Georges Vanier, by Alfred Bastien. Vanier served with the 22nd Battalion (Van Doos) during the First World War. In 1959 he became governor-general of Canada. A Canadian soldier walks across the blasted, mud-soaked Passchendaele battlefield during the First World War in 1917. In September 1917, General Arthur Currie and other Canadian Corps commanders attend a memorial service to men who fell at the Battle of Hill 70, during the First World War. Namps-au-Val Cemetery in France, which includes the grave of Canadian First World War soldier and Victoria Cross recipient Gordon Flowerdew. The remembrance wall for soldiers fallen in the Great War, and headstones of graves in Flanders Fields at Tyne Cot cemetery near Ypres in Flanders Fields, Belgium. Photo taken on: December 22nd, 2013. 36182562 u00a9 Ivan Vander Biesen | Dreamstime.com

Canada, as part of the British Empire, found itself at war on 4 August 1914. Yet Canadians would decide the extent of their commitment to the war . With no air force, a puny navy, and a professional army of a mere 3,100 men, the soon-to-be Canadian Expeditionary Force (CEF) would consist of citizen soldiers from across the Dominion.

Eager Recruits

At the start of the war, there was a surge of patriotism and a desire to fight for King and Country. Men enlisted out of a sense of adventure, because of pressure from friends and authority figures, to escape an unrewarding job or an unhappy home life, and because it was widely thought the war would be over by Christmas. Within a few months, however, machine guns, artillery, and rapid-firing rifles left hundreds of thousands killed on the Western Front, and armies there were forced to dig in to the ground to escape the withering firepower. Yet even as the war appeared to have no end, Canadians continued to enlist by the tens of thousands until late 1916, indicating that many believed in the justness of the war – as a means of defending liberal ideas or supporting the British Empire. Others simply succumbed to pressure from recruiters or enlisted for any of the other countless reasons to serve in uniform and collect the steady pay of $1.10 a day for privates.

After Minister of Militia Sam Hughes put out a call for recruits in August 1914, thousands of Canadians converged on Valcartier training camp near Québec City. The new Canadian fighting force could afford to be picky with so many men aching to serve, and the first force to go overseas, about 31,000 strong, consisted of a large number of ex-soldiers from the South African War and militia-trained men. About 70 per cent were British-born subjects, although some had lived in Canada for years, even decades. Their officers were largely Canadian-born. By the end of the war, the number of Canadian-born among the 630,000 Canadians who enlisted overall was about 51 per cent.

Height, Health and Good Teeth

The Canadian soldiers were initially to be at least 5 feet 3 inches tall and have a chest measuring 33 ½ inches. Gunners had to be larger, at a minimum of 5 feet 7 inches tall, to account for the heavy work of feeding the artillery pieces. These requirements steadily dropped throughout the war, as more men were needed for overseas service.

Initially, there were stringent medical examinations of potential recruits. Men with childhood diseases, injuries, ill health, pulmonary diseases (especially tuberculosis), flat feet, and poor eyesight were denied service. Rotting teeth could lead to denial too, and many a frustrated man raged that he wanted to fight the Germans, not bite them. The patriotic and the desperate tried to cover up or lie about their ailments, and they were not above bribing medical officers or recruiting sergeants. Even then, tens of thousands were turned down from service.

The age limit for recruits was to be between 18 (later 19) and 45, but overage soldiers and teenagers lied about their age. With 260 infantry battalions raised across the country, many of these new units competed against each other for recruits in the larger cities. Often, the units turned a blind eye to those who did not meet age requirements. With no national list of recruits who had been denied service, enterprising youth or greybeards could try to enlist time and time again or with different units. Most found a way into the service. An estimated 20,000 underage soldiers eventually enlisted and about 2,000 were killed overseas. During the course of the war, the average age of Canadian soldiers was 26 years old, although it was younger in the infantry battalions at the front.

For the first year of the war, the wives of married men could demand that their husbands be released from service.(About 20 per cent of the CEF was married with children.) Soldiers who went overseas assigned some of their money to their wives, although soldiers’ dependants were also supported by federal monthly stipends. These funds, which would have been difficult for families to survive on, were topped off by the Canadian Patriotic Fund, which was re-established early in the war. Canadians from across the country donated tens of millions of dollars to the CPF, which administered the money to Canadian soldiers’ families.

Religion, Regions, and Families

From an analysis of soldiers’ attestation forms and medical files after the war, some basic data has been compiled about the Canadian soldier. The average Canadian enlisted man had an education level of grade six, although that was of little surprise for an overall Canadian population that remained more rural than urban, and whose boys and girls were expected to earn their keep and help support the family. Education remained a luxury for most Canadians, although officers were better educated than the rank and file.

The Canadian overseas soldier was drawn from all classes and regions although not, of course, with equal representation. Ontario and the West, with about 60 per cent of the country’s population, provided 73 per cent of the CEF, while Québec, with 27 per cent of the population, supplied only 14 per cent. (Most Québec recruits appeared to be English speaking.) These are broad statistics and, like all figures, they shift depending on how they are analyzed, but it is clear that Québec contributed far fewer soldiers per capita than did other provinces. That is not surprising, since it was an English-speaking army fighting at Britain’s side, and Québec’s influential local parish priests often warned against serving overseas in this foreign war.

This English army was also very much formed from Canadian labourers, even though the Dominion was more rural than urban. One sampling of 263,111 men who had enlisted by 1 March 1916 revealed that 6.5 per cent were farmers, 18.5 per cent were white-collar clerical workers, and 64.8 per cent were labourers and workers, with the rest falling in various other categories.

First Nations

The Canadian Expeditionary Force was initially a white, Anglo-Saxon force, with few French Canadians and almost no visible minorities. First Peoples were not denied the right to serve, but there was much uncertainty about whether the Germans would show captured Aboriginal soldiers any mercy. Enlistment was usually left to the discretion of individual units and their officers. An estimated 4,000 Aboriginal people served. While many were typecast in the role of snipers and scouts — and some proved extraordinarily good in those positions, such as Henry Norwest and Francis Pegahmagabow — Aboriginal people served throughout the various units. Somewhat surprisingly, especially considering First Peoples’ lack of status in Canada, at least a handful were commissioned as officers during the war, usually serving in the British air forces.

Ethnicity in the CEF

It was not until 1916, when recruitment slowed across the Dominion, that Japanese and Black Canadians, as well as other ethnic groups, were allowed to enlist. The most identifiable Black unit was No. 2 Construction Battalion, which consisted of 600 Black enlisted soldiers. Another 800 or so Black Canadians served throughout the armed forces. Drawing largely from the West Coast, more than 222 Japanese Canadians fought against racist prejudices and questions of disloyalty to enlist in the CEF. Eleven were awarded medals for gallantry, and 54 were killed in battle.

As many as 4,000 Ukrainians served in the CEF, which is perhaps a higher figure than expected since Ukrainian Canadians were viewed by many Canadians as disloyal. About 5,000 Ukrainians (with another 3,000 German-born Canadians) were also interned during the course of the war. Yet even as Ukrainians were interned, thousands enlisted to serve King and Country. A veteran of the Russian Imperial Army, Filip Konowal was one such Ukrainian. He had emigrated to Canada in 1913 and enlisted in the CEF two years later. As a corporal in the 47th Battalion, he was awarded the Victoria Cross at the August 1917 Battle of Hill 70, where he led several attacks against German machine-gun positions and, at one point, single-handedly attacked seven Germans, killing them all. In addition to Ukrainians, thousands of Polish, Russian, and Romanian soldiers served. All of these numbers are imprecise because record keeping was not aimed at identifying specific race or ethnicity.

The United States remained neutral in the war until April 1917, and so thousands of Americans came north to enlist. It is estimated that close to 40,000 Americans joined the CEF (10 per cent of the Force),and many of them were Canadians or British-born who lived in the United States. Enlistment by Americans dropped off steeply after the US entered the war.

Conscription

By late 1916, the number of recruits had dried up to a trickle. The casualties on the Western Front were relentless, however, and units there needed constant reinforcement. At home, war industry and farming were desperate for workers and salaries jumped considerably. News of the conditions at the front, with the horror of the trenches, rats, unburied corpses, and murderous shellfire, dissuaded many men from enlisting.

Anger and disunity rose across the country as some Canadians felt the burden of the war was not being shared evenly. In May 1917, Sir Robert Borden’s government felt compelled to announce conscription through the Military Service Act, a move that Borden framed as supporting the soldiers overseas who had already sacrificed so much for the nation.

The federal election of December 1917 was one of the most divisive in Canadian history, pitting region against region, farmers against those in the cities, ethnic and language groups against one another, and even community and family against one another. The election saw much of Canada turn on Québec, which was accused of not doing its fair share in supporting the war, especially in contributing soldiers for overseas service. These tensions were to create deep scars during and after the war. Borden’s Unionist government (a coalition of Conservatives and Liberals) won the election and conscription was enacted.

Aimed initially at 20 to 24 year old males, and later applied to those aged 20 to 35, it forced them into uniform against their will, although there was a process by which men could apply for exemptions. Tribunals across the country judged the merits of each man’s case — some were harsh, while others let men avoid service with a wink and a nudge. By the end of the war, the Militia Department reported that 99,651 young men were conscripted, and of those24,132 served at the front. Conscription left a dark legacy, but the conscripts played an essential role in bringing ravaged fighting forces up to strength in the final battles of 1918.

Canadian Reputation

Canadian soldiers in uniform looked like their British counterparts save for minor differences and a few Maple Leaf and Canada symbols. They also served in the British Expeditionary Force and were, for much of the war, commanded by British generals. But the Canadians had a reputation as something different than British soldiers. Like the Australians, the Canadians were drawn from the Empire’s outer reaches and viewed as rugged northern warriors, if ill-disciplined.

Much of this was simple mythmaking or imagination forged through years of novels and fanciful travel literature to feed widespread notions in Britain that the Canadians were all Voyageurs and Mounted Police. Canadians were not born with a gun in their hands they were not innate hunters and trackers, and the majority of the CEF was drawn from urban centres where the recruiting was fiercest and where pre-war militias were most prevalent.

The Canadians did, however, earn their fierce battlefield reputation on the Western Front. From the first Canadian engagement at the Battle of Second Ypres, in April 1915, where the Dominion’s soldiers made an heroic, if costly, stand to the victory at Vimy Ridge, in April 1917 to the series of battles that formed the Hundred Days campaign in the final months of 1918 the Canadians were viewed by their allies and enemies as shock troops to be thrown into the fiercest battles to deliver victory.

Final Numbers

By war’s end, 619,636 men and women (nurses) had enlisted in Canada during the war. Another 8,826 Canadians sailed with the Royal Navy and the Royal Canadian Navy. Several thousands more enlisted directly in England with the Canadian Expeditionary Force. Yet, of the roughly 630,000 Canadians who served overall in the CEF, only 425,000 went overseas. They paid a high price for their service, with the total number of dead and wounded numbering 234,741, and with several thousand more dying of their wounds in the war’s immediate aftermath.


ORGANIC WEAPONS:

Organic weapons are weapons that are assigned
to the platoon over which the platoon leader has direct control. All leader
must know how to employ these weapons effectively in all tactical situations
(Table 1). The infantry platoon routinely uses anti-armor weapons (Table 2).

Table 1. Organic Weapons

Table 2. Anti-armor Weapons

SUPPORT WEAPONS:

Supporting weapons provide the platoon and
squad leaders additional firepower. They must know how to effectively integrate
the fires of these weapons with the fires of their organic weapons. See
Supporting Weapons (Table 3) and Fire Support (Table 4).


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